The Diplomat
April 23, 2013
Southeast Asia has four monarchies, each with its own unique
traits. Brunei is an absolute monarchy, while Thailand, Malaysia, and
Cambodia have the constitutional form. The history of these monarchies,
including their future prospects, is discussed in the March 2013 issue of the Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia.
The essays in the volume give a fascinating overview of how these
monarchies survived colonialism and the transition towards democracy.
In Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah has been the absolute ruler since 1984. Professor Naimah Talib argues
that the Sultan successfully wields centralized authority by promoting
the ideology of Melayu Islam Beraja or Malay Islamic Monarchy. To
accommodate the rising middle class, the Sultan welcomed educated elites
into his government. To further strengthen his legitimacy, he used the
country’s oil revenues (accounting for 70 percent
of its GDP) to implement generous welfare programs which allow
Bruneians to enjoy one of Asia’s highest standards of living. What’s
more, there is no personal income tax in Brunei.
Constitutional amendments were introduced in 2004 to pave the way for
so-called democratic reforms, but they only gave the Sultan greater
powers. A Legislative Council was formed, but its members were all appointed by the Sultan.
Meanwhile, Cambodia’s past half century was dominated by one figure,
Khmer King Norodom Sihanouk. He was King for two terms and abdicated
twice. Throughout Cambodia’s tumultuous modern history, he served as
head of state, premier, and even became a guerrilla leader who fought
for his country’s independence. There was no Cambodian monarchy from
1970 to 1993, but Sihanouk became King again and continued to be a
well-liked figure until his death last October.
According to Professor Charnvit Kasetsiri,
Sihanouk was the first King in Cambodian history who made direct
contact with his subjects, which probably explains his enduring
popularity among the masses. Sihanouk’s
charisma could benefit his son, King Norodom Sihamoni, and ensure the
continuity of the Cambodian monarchy in the 21st century.
Malaysia's monarchy is the least known in Southeast Asia, but it's
unique for having a system of elective monarchy. The current Yang
di-Pertuan Agong (Head of State) is Abdul Halim, the Sultan of Kedah.
Malaysians have been engaged in a lively public discussion about the
monarchy’s role in modern times. Many have also criticized the lavish
lifestyle of the royal families and scandals involving some in their
midst.
For Professor Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, reviving the image of
Malaysia’s monarchy might be possible through Tengku Faris Petra or
Sultan Muhammad V of Kelantan, who is also Malaysia’s Deputy Yang
di-Pertuan Agong: Fauzi wrote:
“Being comparatively young and hailing from a state long ruled by the
opposition, Sultan Muhammad V injected vigor into the monarchy with his
simple lifestyle, humility, friendly disposition and avoidance of
controversies which had beleaguered the Kelantan royal household.”
In Thailand’s case, aside from being the most popular political
figure in the nation, King Bhumibol Adulyadej is also the
longest-reigning living monarch in the world. But Professor David
Streckfuss thinks
the Thai monarchy is “at its all time low in terms of both popularity
and legitimacy” and the next monarch will inherit a “debilitated and
factionalized institution with no clear path on which to continue.”
What contributed to the weakening of the Thai monarchy? Streckfuss
gives three core reasons for the decline. For one, he thinks that
building a personality cult around the King is not good for the throne.
“The more successfully the King as a person and his good works are
portrayed, the weaker the monarchy as an institution becomes,” he wrote.
A second reason could be that some political activities, such as
supporting coups and protests by some members of the Royal Family and
the powerful Privy Council of Thailand have tainted the image of the
monarchy as being neutral or existing above politics. Lastly, the
excessive use of the lese majeste law,
often described as the world’s harshest anti-royal insult regulation,
has eroded the legitimacy of the monarchy in the eyes of many educated
Thais.
These essays demonstrate the scholarly and political interest
inherent in the four remaining monarchies of Southeast Asia, which
survived the great upheavals of the 20th century. It remains to be seen
if these institutions will play a prominent role in shaping the future
of their societies, and whether they will coexist with greater democracy
and transparency.
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