The Hun Sen-Chea Sim power struggle

Op-Ed by Khmerization
Friday 30th September 2011

Prime Minister Hun Sen had further consolidated his powers within the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) with his latest and successful purges against the loyalists of his chief rival, Mr. Chea Sim, who is the Senate President and the president of the ruling CPP. His insatiable thirst for powers and political supremacy and his continuous purges against the loyalists of one of the most powerful figures within the ruling party is worrisome. His actions, if not contained, could degenerate into an open political and armed fight that could lead to the destabilization of the government and eventually plunge the country back into the scenario of the 1970s that has brought civil strife and catastrophic destruction to the country.

The subsequent arrests of Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists have to do with political reasons and purges more than their alleged criminal acts. If it was for criminal reasons then one would wonder why only Chea Sim’s loyalists had committed criminal acts and why Hun Sen’s loyalists are so clean as no one from his faction had been arrested and convicted for corruption or criminal acts? One could conclude that the continuous purges against Chea Sim’s loyalists are due to political rivalry between the two.

The political rivalry and the power struggle between Hun Sen and Chea Sim dated back to 1985-1986 after Hun Sen had gotten rid of his chief rival, Prime Minister Pen Sovan in 1981, and then positioned himself to take over Pen Sovan’s job as prime minister. In an interview with Funcinpec Party-funded TV just before the 1997 coup, Mr. Pen Sovan said that it was Mr. Hun Sen, then as foreign minister, who led a group of soldiers to surround his house, arrested and deposed him as prime minister in 1981. In around 1989 or 1990, Mr. Hun Sen, who was the chief peace negotiator with Sihanouk, had nominated all his loyalists to all the six positions for members of the Supreme National Council. Mr. Chea Sim, who was the then powerful president of the National Assembly, protested and the composition was then reshuffled to include Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists like Dith Munty and Im Chhun Lim. In 1992, Mr. Hun Sen incited a mob to protest against Mr. Ros Chhun, Chea Sim’s brother-in-law and the transport minister. He was then sacked with charges of corruption using the pretext that the people had turned against him. At that time Mr. Chea Sim and Hun Sen were fighting for the position of party president which Mr. Chea Sim eventually won because he had more loyalists within the parliament to vote than Mr. Hun Sen. Mr. Hun Sen had to settle for the position of party vice-president but was allowed to retain his incumbent position of prime minister, a position that gives him more power than the party president.

After the 1993 UN-organised election, Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists such as Sin Song, the powerful Minister of Public Security, and Mr. Sin Sen, the powerful police chief, have been briefly forced to flee to Vietnam to avoid arrests after Mr. Hun Sen had accused them of involving in a plot to declare the secession of the eastern part of the country after the ruling CPP lost the election to the royalist Funcinpec Party. Again in 1994, Sin Song and Sin Sen and their loyalists were arrested for alleged coup plot against the government. Many believed that Mr. Hun Sen had concocted the two events to use as pretexts to sideline and marginalize Mr. Chea Sim prior to the formation of the upcoming coalition government with the winning Funcinpec Party and also to tarnish Mr. Chea Sim’s image and to contain his influence within the new government.

Further, many of Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists had been sidelined and marginalized significantly after Mr. Hun Sen’s 1997 coup against the royalist Funcinepc Party, the winner of 1993 election. After Mr. Hun Sen had done with his other rival, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, he turned against Mr. Chea Sim for opposing the coup. Many of Chea Sim’s loyalists, like Gen. Ke Kim Yan, commander-in-chief of Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, the notorious Keang Vuth, the commander-in-chief of the Military Police, and others were then sidelined, marginalized and subsequently sacked for refusing to go along with the coup or for having not been active enough in executing the coup plan.

Mr. Hun Sen struck again in around 1999, when he sacked a number of judges loyal to Chea Sim, including Oum Sarith, the Supreme Court judge and others, for alleged corruption on charges of releasing many criminals from jails.

The big blow to Mr. Chea Sim’s power came in 2009 when Mr. Hun Sen sacked Gen. Ke Kimyan, an ardent supporter of Mr. Chea Sim and an in-law of his brother-in-law, Mr. Sar Kheng, as the commander-in-chief of Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. After his sacking, Gen. Ke Kimyan was also threatened with arrest on charges of land corruption. In January 2011, Chea Sim’s and Sar Kheng’s loyalists such as Hun Hean, Moek Dara, Chheang Son, Chea Leang and others were arrested on dubious charges of alleged drug dealings.

The final straw came in August 2011 when Gen. Chhoeun Chanthan, Chea Sim’s once powerful bodyguard chief, was arrested and jailed. Gen. Yim Leang, a Hun Sen loyalist, was appointed as Chea Sim’s new bodyguard chief. So, without a loyal bodyguard, Mr. Chea Sim’s life is also in danger. And now Mrs. Pheng Kunthea Borey, his chief of protocol, Gen. Chan Kosal, Gen. Ponlork Ho and Gen. Khieu Bora, who were very close to him and are his political backbones, were arrested.

Mr. Hun Sen’s purges against Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists were carried out to intimidate Chea Sim’s other loyalists into submission or to scare them off in order to force them to switch allegiance to him.

This is, however, not the end of the purges against Mr. Chea Sim’s loyalists. More of Chea Sim’s loyalists will be purged and arrested in the coming months. At the end, Chea Sim, Sar Kheng and Say Chum, the three brothers-in-laws who have been outsmarted by a political animal of peasant background, will be stripped of all official or powerful positions or even arrested and jailed for other dubious or trumped up charges.

Mr. Hun Sen’s latest quest for political supremacy is reminiscent of the Khmer Rouges purges in the late 1970s when hundreds of thousands of its ranks and files were arrested and executed as Pol Pot’s paranoia of plots against him drove him to destroy himself from within. Hun Sen’s quest for political and military supremacy within the ruling CPP could be his own undoing as powerful figures within the Chea Sim faction, who fear that they could be the next targets and for reasons of their political survival, could strike back one day in a surprise attack that could see Mr. Hun Sen assassinated.

Despite believing that the Chea Sim faction has the ability and the potential to strike back, I believe that this is the beginning of the end of the Chea Sim-Sar Kheng faction as it had been significantly weakened beyond resurrection as a result of Hun Sen’s quest for political supremacy. The faction, but particularly Chea Sim and Sar Kheng themselves, will be finished as a force to be reckoned with and eventually disappear into the political oblivion and probably will be tossed into the political wilderness in the not too distant future. They could never stand up to Hun Sen’s political domination and will be unable to tackle his political supremacy head on. The only way they could overpower Hun Sen and bring him down is to use a back door tactic and that is to say to literally assassinate him. This scenario could happen and becomes a reality if Hun Sen kept purging their loyalists and does not give them rooms to breathe. As the saying goes: “a cornered dog will bite back and bites back hard”.

Charge for Chea Sim official [The Hun Sen-Chea Sim power struggle is reminiscent of the Khmer Rouge purges]

Friday, 30 September 2011
Buth Reaksmey Kongkea

Photo by: Pha Lina

Senate President Chea Sim attends a Cambodian People’s Party meeting in July.

Phnom Penh Post

Senate President Chea Sim’s protocol chief was formally charged on Wednesday evening with fraud and producing fake public documents, an official said yesterday.

National Military Police chief Kheng Tito said that Kunthea Borey – one of five officials with links to Chea Sim who have been arrested recently – was charged based on information provided by the Senate president’s former bodyguard unit chief, Chhoeun Chanthan. He was arrested in August in connection with the same case.

“She [Kunthea Borey] was sent by police to detention at Prey Sar Prison awaiting further investigations and trial in the future,” he said.

Chea Sim’s former advisers Chan Kosal and Ponlork Ho together with former cabinet member Khieu Bora were arrested by officials on Friday and Sunday last week. They have also all been charged in connection with an alleged scam based on information from Chhoeun Chanthan.

Kheng Tito declined to comment in detail about the offence the charges stemmed from but links have been made in local media between the arrests and the appearance of Ponlork Ho and Chan Kosal on the blog of Malaysian businessman Armin Baniaz Pahamin in connection with an unspecified business deal.

Armin Baniaz Pahamin has not responded to emailed inquiries from the Post.

Kunthea Borey’s defence lawyer Kouy Thunna yesterday denied the allegations against his client and vouched for her good character. He added that Kunthea Borey had not committed any wrongdoing.
“She is very sincere and honest. Based on her sincerity and honesty, I can assume that she is a victim in this case,” he said.

Kunthea Borey’s fall from grace had taken her from a respected position in society to a prison cell with 40 other inmates, he added, requesting that she be released on bail based on her proven good character.

Search for China's Palestinian solution

SINOGRAPH A role in Middle East prosperity

China could be of great help in the search for sufficient guarantees for Israel and concessions to Palestinians sufficient to stem the radical tide. By pushing for peace and Palestinian statehood, Beijing could act as a force for creating business partnerships that, with the vision, could propel the Middle East to be an engine of economic growth rivaling East Asia.
- Francesco Sisci (Sep 29, '11)

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/MI30Ad01.html

BEIJING - It is possible that the Palestinians would have asked the United Nations to acknowledge them as a full-fledged state even without the ongoing wave of "Jasmine" revolutions sweeping the Arab world.

But certainly, the present drive for international recognition of a state of Palestine would have been choked in silence and neglect - if not worse - had it not been surging on the backdrop of mounting global attention to democracy, freedom and emancipation in the Middle East.

In more than one way, the "Jasmine" revolutions have had two directions.

One reaches out to the farthest shores of the Eurasian continent, China, which was supposed to be stirred and shaken into taking up the popular quest for political rights. It is doubtful that hordes of dissatisfied people will take to the streets and topple the Beijing government, but it is possible that the Arab uprisings against the Egyptian and Libyan dictatorships could inspire some intellectuals on the fringe - thus prompting Beijing's over-reaction.

This is, however, a long shot in Chinese and East Asian politics.

A result of the Arab Spring with closer consequences touches upon what has for 70 years been the heart and soul of Middle Eastern politics: the Palestinian issue.

The protests and the stand that Western countries and Israel have taken are reshuffling Middle Eastern politics. Here, until not long ago, the popular perception was that either you were with conservative, autocratic regimes supported by the West and Israel, or you were with al-Qaeda and its terrorists.

There was no middle road for people wishing for social and political improvement; going against the corrupt dictatorship meant supporting terrorists. Now, one can be both against corrupt governments and against terrorists, and this is creating a new political atmosphere in the region. It proves concretely that the West and Israel can be for social and political innovation and progress in the region, without feeding the terrorists cause.

Of this new political backdrop Munib Rashid Masri (see Palestine and a state of grace Asia Times Online, September 29, 2011) seems to be fully aware. He offers more than an olive branch to Israel.

Both in the tone of the article and in his concrete approach, he sketches a new paradigm for a political settlement between Israel and Palestine, which could be the basis of a new political order in the region. Palestinians want to guarantee the political survival of Israel, de facto rejecting decades of slogans for the destruction of Israel, and de facto want to be partners in the political, social, and economic integration of Israel into the region.

This goes beyond the recent offerings of the Palestinian Authority, and it radically undermines extremists anti-Western and anti-Israeli rhetoric. If Palestinians are no longer the sworn enemies of Israelis, nobody in the entire Muslim world can use the Palestinian cause as an excuse to fight Israel or the West. It is a 180-degree revolution, and it makes also Masri's position extremely delicate and difficult. Yes, he was Yasser Arafat's blood-brother, and yes, he fought for the Palestinian cause for 50 years, but are we so sure he hasn't just grown soft and sold out?

Masri needs to get something very substantial in return for his overture, something beyond the issue of UN recognition of a Palestinian state. Allegedly, he has been reaching out to the Palestinian Hamas, something that could help to rein in the most radical elements on the Palestinian and Muslim front.

He similarly needs Israel to rein its zealots, who could easily hijack the process.

Many are rationally pessimistic this can ever be achieved, and there are plenty of reasons for pessimism. The revolution in Egypt, the country on which the ultimate the success of the "Jasmine" revolutions hinge, could turn ugly. Money is pouring out of the country; poverty and ignorance are widespread; long-term problems and protests are scaring tourists, the main source of income for the nation; and the prospect of a violent crackdown looms closer.

Similarly, as the drive for Palestinian statehood is likely to fail, this could prompt more anger and dissatisfaction with Israel and the Palestinian leaders who have been reaching out to the Jews.

How to hedge these risks and move ahead is not very clear from where we stand, as on both sides radical wings are rooting for more confrontation, not less. The two sides need to gain a lot more trust for each other. Perhaps the US, Europe, and possibly even Russia and China could be of great help trying to find sufficient guarantees for Israel while granting Palestinians concessions sufficient to stem the radical tide on their side.

This would entail some manner or another of territorial concessions in return not only for peace this time but also for huge economic and business opportunities for Israeli and Palestinian businesses in the Muslim world. This business partnership could in fact leaven the huge potential of the oil money in the region, transforming it into new industrial ventures.

These could propel the area to be a fast-developing engine of the world, rivaling East Asia. There would exist all of the elements for fast growth: money, resources, entrepreneurship - and peace. This can work, however, only if the extreme wings are clipped and the common people can see the concrete benefits of the new course. This in turn needs vision, skill, courage, and a lot of luck from leaders on both sides.

Francesco Sisci is a columnist for the Italian daily Il Sole 24 Ore and can be reached at fsisci@gmail.com.

Cambodian Deputy PM: China's prestige goes higher internationally

Sar Kheng (left) exchanged documents on 4th November, 2008 with Meng Jianzhu, China's Minister of Public Security to cooperate in the fight against drug trafficking.

PHNOM PENH, Sept. 29 (Xinhua) -- China's prestige had been higher on international arena and China's prosperity had been benefiting the region and the globe, Cambodian deputy Prime Minister Sar Kheng, minister of interior, said on Thursday evening.

"The government and the people of China have been step up actively to boost the development of China's economy and now China becomes the world's second largest economic country," he said during the celebration of the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China , which was participated by some 400 people including Cambodian senior government officials, foreign diplomats, Chinese business people and Chinese living in Cambodia.

Sar Kheng said the friendship and cooperation between Cambodia and China had been stronger on all sectors.

"The government and people of Cambodia profoundly thank the government and people of China for providing a great deal of assistance to Cambodia for social and economic development in order to alleviate poverty," he said, adding that "I believe that the bilateral ties will be continued to strengthen and expand eternally."

The minister also reiterated Cambodia's stance to support one- China policy.

Meanwhile, the Ambassador of China to Cambodia Pan Guangxue said that the government of China stuck to its policy to develop the economy peacefully and China would continue its active participation to help the region and the world on social and economic development and humanitarian activities.

For Cambodia and China ties, the two countries had maintained good friendship relations since the old age and had continued from generation to generation of leaders, he said, adding that the two countries' peoples have also created closer ties from day to day.

The Road to Freedom (2011): An Ill-Fated Journey Into Cambodia

Bajan Vista Films LLC. Joshua Fredrick Smith and Scott Maguire in "The Road to Freedom."

By JEANNETTE CATSOULIS
Published: September 29, 2011

Loosely based on the fate of Errol Flynn’s only son, Sean (woodenly portrayed by Joshua Fredric Smith), a photojournalist who disappeared in Cambodia in 1970, “The Road to Freedom” is a bona-fide howler.

Right from the get-go maintaining a straight face is impossible. Sean “had sex with countless beeyooootifool wimmin,” a grizzled fellow journalist (Tom Proctor) informs us in a weirdly accented (Clouseau? Kim Jong-il?), blessedly brief narration, while our hero prepares to comb the countryside for shots of the marauding Khmer Rouge. Soft-focus flashbacks to bedroom bliss with a Cambodian honey support this assessment, suggesting that Sean shared his father’s libido, if not his swashbuckling charm.

No matter: “The Road to Freedom” adores him anyway. Clogged with grandiose pronouncements (“Whatever is going on here is bigger than you and me both”) and bleeding-heart speeches, this telling of Sean’s ill-fated journey drags us through miles of jungle and reams of stilted, soul-sucking dialogue. Idyllic brown families frolic in his path, and a sit-down with a Buddhist monk facilitates an orgy of clunky platitudes. Even after Sean and his colleague, Dana Stone (Scott Maguire), are captured by the Khmer Rouge, the film refuses resuscitation; instead, the prisoners go fishing — and, sadly, continue to talk.

Shot in 2009 on location in Cambodia (where the then-20-year-old director, Brendan Moriarty, grew up), this starry-eyed, leaden-tongued film fizzles. David Mun’s photography is lush and lucid, but the script (by Margie Rogers and Thomas Schade) is nothing short of an embarrassment. “We came here to tell a story, and no matter what, that story needs to be told,” Sean lectures Dana in their jungle prison. Sheesh.

“The Road to Freedom” is rated R (Under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian). Angry guerrillas and lofty subordinate clauses.

THE ROAD TO FREEDOM

Opens on Friday in New York; Los Angeles; San Francisco; Boston; Chicago; and Austin, Tex.

Directed by Brendan Moriarty; written by Margie Rogers and Thomas Schade; director of photography, David Mun; edited by Sean Halloran and Ms. Rogers; music by Austin Creek; production design by David Sandeep Robert; costumes by Nop Sophorn; produced by Tom Proctor and Blu de Goyler; released by Creative Freedom. Running time: 1 hour 33 minutes.

WITH: Joshua Fredric Smith (Sean Flynn), Scott Maguire (Dana Stone), Tom Proctor (François) and Kanilen Kang (Mean).

Chea Sim’s Protocal Chief Arrested at Thai Border [Chea Sim and Hun Sen locked in a power struggle?]

Two of the arrested Chea Sim's loyalists Gen. Ponlork Ho (Top) and Gen. Chan Kosal (bottom).

Thursday, 29 September 2011
Chun Sakda, VOA Khmer | Phnom Penh

The protocol chief of the ruling party president, Chea Sim, has been charged with fraud and forgery and is currently in provisional detention at Prey Sar prison, officials said Thursday.

Pheng Kunthea Borey, 56, was arrested at the Cham Yeam international border checkpoint in Koh Kong province on Wednesday, as she was trying to cross into Thailand, according to police officials and her lawyer, Kouy Thunna.

Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer

Military Police officers escort Mr. Chhoeun Vanthan, former bodyguard chief of Mr. Chea Sim, senate president, to Phnom Penh's municipal court on Monday, August 15, to be questioned about illegal weapons.

Hers was the fourth arrest since Friday of officials linked to Chea Sim, a powerful member of the Cambodian People’s Party who is also the Senate president, the Cambodia Daily reported.

The Phnom Penh Municipal Court charged Pheng Kunthea Borey with forgery and fraud on Thursday. Kouy Thunna said he was not clear of the exact crimes she is alleged to have committed until he closely examines the case, and police officials declined to elaborate.

Kheng Tito, a spokesman for the military police, said the arrest came after Phnom Penh court issued a warrant.

Kouy Thunna said he would ask for bail.

Related Links

• CPP Chief Calls Next Tribunal Trial Enough for ‘Justice’

UN expert says Cambodia rights progress a 'mixed bag'

GENEVA (AFP) — Despite significant human rights progress in Cambodia, freedom of expression has worsened, a UN expert told AFP, describing the situation as "a mixed bag".

"In some areas there has been some improvement, whereas in some areas things have regressed a bit," the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia Surya Subedi said.

"So it's a mixed bag," he said.

While praising the government's decision to reconsider a controversial draft law on civil society bodies, he said "freedom of expression and harassment of civil society representatives, lawyers and people belonging to the opposition has worsened."

The problem, he said, was a "harsher, less liberal interpretation and application of the law" by judges and prosecutors.

"The law, as it stands today, makes defamation, disinformation and falsification of information criminal offenses," Subedi said, explaining that these offenses should be decriminalized.

He gave the example of a UN staff member who was jailed for six months, "for merely printing information from the internet and sharing it with her colleagues".

The laws are also impacting policymaking, Subedi said.

"When an MP criticizes a government policy ... that MP has to be very careful with the words that they use, whether that will amount to a criticism of the prime minister, or ministers, because that could be construed as defamation," the rapporteur explained.

Subedi however praised the government's decision to reconsider a controversial law which would require any civil society organisation, including NGOs, to register with the government and notify authorities of its activities.

"This law has been sent back to the minister of the interior. And they are reconsidering it, which is a good indication.

"They could have pushed it through parliament, which they didn't," Subedi noted.

'The Road to Freedom' review: Heartfelt but bad

Left: Sean Flynn and right Sean Flynn and Dana Stone left Phnom Penh for the Cambodian frontline in 1970 and never returned.

By Walter Addiego,
The San Francisco Chronicle Staff Writer

Thursday, September 29, 2011

The Road to Freedom

Drama. Directed by Brendan Moriarty. With Joshua Fredric Smith, Scott Maguire, Nhem Sokun.(Rated R. 93 minutes. At Bay Area theaters. Opens Monday.)

In April 1970, two Americans left the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh, on motorbikes, heading for the Kampong Cham province to look for Khmer Rouge guerrillas. The two men, photojournalists Sean Flynn (the son of actor Errol Flynn) and Dana Stone, never returned.

"The Road to Freedom" (which opens Monday) is an indie movie made by Brian Moriarty, who was 20 when he produced and directed it. The truth of what happened to Flynn and Stone is uncertain, so the film is a dramatization. Flynn's mother, actress Lili Damita, spent a lot of money trying to find him, and he was finally declared dead in 1984. A handsome man who had appeared in a handful of movies, Flynn was 28 when he disappeared.

The movie, shot on location in Cambodia, clearly had a modest budget. The basic story is that Flynn and Stone (played by Joshua Fredric Smith and Scott Maguire) fall into the hands of the Khmer Rouge, where their brutal treatment is somewhat alleviated by a helpful Cambodian civilian (Nhem Sokun).

The problem is that the film, though heartfelt, isn't very good. The script is stilted ("Whatever is going on here is bigger than you and me both") and the acting ranges from amateurish to acceptable.

Flynn's name briefly returned to the news columns in March 2010 when two amateur archaeologists, working at a site in Kampong Cham believed by some researchers to be a mass grave for foreign journalists, found what they thought might be his remains. Forensic tests demonstrated that the bones were not Flynn's.

E-mail Walter Addiego at waddiego@sfchronicle.com.

10 Cambodian dishes you've got to try

Khmer cuisine has long been overshadowed by its Thai and Vietnamese cousins: But times (and menus) change

By Lina Goldberg 26 September, 2011
Read original article at CNNgo

Squished between culinary heavyweights Thailand and Vietnam, Cambodia is often overlooked when it comes to food. But once you've sampled Khmer cuisine, you won't turn back.

Here are 10 dishes to start you off.

No two bai sach chrouks are ever exactly the same.

1. Bai sach chrouk -- pork and rice

Served on street corners all over Cambodia early every morning, bai sach chrouk, or pork and rice, is one of the simplest and most delicious dishes that the country has to offer.

Thinly sliced pork is slowly grilled over warm coals to bring out its natural sweetness. Sometimes the pork will be marinated in coconut milk or garlic -- no two bai sach chrouks are ever exactly the same.

The grilled pork is served over a hearty portion of broken rice, with a helping of freshly pickled cucumbers and daikon radish with plenty of ginger. On the side, you'll often be given a bowl of chicken broth topped with scallions and fried onions.

Try it at: 786 St. 474, Phnom Penh

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Where else can you get fish whipped into a mousse?

2. Fish amok

Fish amok is one of the most well-known Cambodian dishes, but you'll find similar meals in neighboring countries.

You won't find the same enthusiasm for the dish outside of Cambodia, though, or the addition of slok ngor, a local herb that imparts a subtly bitter flavor.

Fish amok is a fish mousse with fresh coconut milk and kroeung, a type of Khmer curry paste made from lemongrass, turmeric root, garlic, shallots, galangal and fingerroot, or Chinese ginger.

At upscale restaurants fish amok is steamed in a banana leaf, while more local places serve a boiled version that is more like a soupy fish curry than a mousse.

Try it at: K'nyay, Suramarit Boulevard between Sothearos Blvd. and St. 19, Phnom Penh; +855 23 225 225

A red curry that doesn't result in flames bursting from your mouth.

3. Khmer red curry

Less spicy than the curries of neighboring Thailand, Khmer red curry is similarly coconut-milk-based, but without the overpowering chili. It's much easier to enjoy.

The dish features beef, chicken or fish, eggplant, green beans, potatoes, fresh coconut milk, lemongrass and kroeung.

1. This delicious dish is usually served at special occasions in Cambodia such as weddings, family gatherings and religious holidays like Pchum Ben, or Ancestor's Day, where Cambodians make the dish to share with monks in honor of their ancestors. Khmer red curry is usually served with bread -- a remnant of the French influence on Cambodia.

Try it at: The Empire, 34 St. 130, Phnom Penh; +855 89 383 817

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Finally, a salad that puts hair on your chest.

4. Lap Khmer -- lime-marinated Khmer beef salad

A refreshing dish that is more beef than salad, lap Khmer is popular with Cambodian men, who prefer the beef be nearly raw -- but at restaurants it's generally served grilled.

Khmer beef salad features thinly sliced beef that is either quickly seared or "cooked" ceviche-style by marinating with lime juice.

Dressed with lemongrass, shallots, garlic, fish sauce, Asian basil, mint, green beans and green pepper, the sweet and salty dish also packs a punch in the heul (spicy) department with copious amounts of fresh red chilis.

Try it at: Romdeng, 74 St. 174, Phnom Penh; +855 92 219 565

Enjoy, just don't call it pho.

5. Nom banh chok -- Khmer noodles

Nom banh chok is a beloved Cambodian dish, so much so that in English it's called simply "Khmer noodles."

Nom banh chok is a typical breakfast food, and you'll find it being sold in the mornings by women carrying it on baskets hanging from a pole balanced on their shoulders.

The dish consists of noodles laboriously pounded out of rice, topped with a fish-based green curry gravy made from lemongrass, turmeric root and kaffir lime.

Fresh mint leaves, bean sprouts, green beans, banana flower, cucumbers and other greens are heaped on top. There is also a red curry version that is usually reserved for ceremonial occasions and wedding festivities.

Try it at: Russian Market, Phnom Penh

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Kampot, the saffron of peppers.

6. Kdam chaa -- fried crab

Fried crab is a specialty of the Cambodian seaside town of Kep and its lively crab market, which is known for fried crab prepared with green, locally grown Kampot pepper.

Aromatic Kampot pepper is famous among gourmands worldwide, and although it is available in its dried form internationally, you'll only be able to sample the distinctively flavored immature green peppercorns in Cambodia.

It's worth a visit to Kep and Kampot for that alone, but Phnom Penh restaurants bring live crabs in from the coast to make their own version of this delicious dish, which includes both Kampot pepper and flavorful garlic chives.

Try it at: 54 Langeach Sros, 15A St. 178, Phnom Penh; +855 17 455 454

Lose your insect virginity to this before moving on to skewered bugs.

7. Red tree ants with beef and holy basil

You'll find all sorts of insects on the menu in Cambodia, but the dish that is most appealing to foreign palates is stir-fried red tree ants with beef and holy basil.

Ants of various sizes, some barely visible and others almost an inch long are stir-fried with ginger, lemongrass, garlic, shallots and thinly sliced beef.

Lots of chilies complete the aromatic dish, without overpowering the delicate sour flavor that the ants impart to the beef. This meal is served with rice, and if you're lucky you'll also get a portion of ant larvae in your bowl.

Try it at: Romdeng, 74 St. 174, Phnom Penh; +855 92 219 565

You can't go wrong with anything served on a stick with dip.

8. Ang dtray-meuk -- grilled squid

In Cambodian seaside towns like Sihanoukville and Kep, you'll find seafood sellers carrying small charcoal-burning ovens on their shoulders, cooking the squid as they walk along the shore.

The squid are brushed with either lime juice or fish sauce and then barbecued on wooden skewers and served with a popular Cambodian sauce, originally from Kampot, made from garlic, fresh chilies, fish sauce, lime juice and sugar.

The summer flavor of the shore can be had even in Phnom Penh, where many restaurants bring seafood from the coast to make similar versions of this dish.

Try it at: Villa Khmer, 21B St. 294, Phnom Penh; +855 97 8985 539

Hot sticky summers call for sweet sticky snacks.

9. Cha houy teuk -- jelly dessert

After school in Phnom Penh, young people crowd around street stands serving Khmer desserts for 1,000 riel, about US$0.25.

Some have sticky rice or sago drenched in coconut milk and topped with taro, red beans, pumpkin and jackfruit. One of the most refreshing is cha houy teuk, a sweet jelly dessert made with agar agar, a gelatin that is derived from seaweed.

The jelly can be brightly colored in pinks and greens, making it especially popular with children. Combined with sago, bleached mung beans and coconut cream, cha houy teuk is usually served in a bowl with a scoop of shaved ice.

Try it at: 45E Mao Tse Tung Blvd., Phnom Penh; +855 16 384 188

Also on CNNGo: Cambodia: No longer a one-temple pony

Sounds like an interpretive dance performance.

10. Fried fish on the fire lake

Fresh coconut milk isn't used in every day Khmer cooking. Instead it is saved for dishes that are served at special occasions.

Fried Fish on the Fire Lake is one such dish -- it's traditionally made for parties or eaten at restaurants in a special, fish-shaped dish. A whole fish is deep-fried and then finished on a hotplate at the table in a coconut curry made from yellow kroeung and chilies.

Vegetables such as cauliflower and cabbage are cooked in the curry, and served with rice or rice noodles. The literal translation of this dish is trei bung kanh chhet, fish from the lake of kanh chhet, a green Cambodian water vegetable served with this dish.

Try it at: 54 Langeach Sros, 15A St. 178, Phnom Penh; +855 17 455 454

Lina Goldberg is an American writer based in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. A street food enthusiast, she has traveled the globe in search of the best roadside snacks.

Read more about Lina Goldberg

Cambodian Cuisine Torsu: A Food Truck With a Hollywood Story

By Abe Gutierrez on September 29th, 201


“New York City — If you can make it here, you can make it anywhere.” New York City is infamous for chewing up promising chefs and viciously spitting them right back out. The chefs who were at the top of the heap in their respective cities and have big city dreams are constantly being cut down to size and sent packing back to their original cities. Still, however, others persevere.

Many of us have tried his food before, especially when on a 15 minute break between three-hour evening classes, but few of us know the story of Jerry Lew and his humbly painted Cambodian food truck, Cambodian Cuisine Torsu.

A quick look at their website paints a picture of the tumultuous past of this truck, all while telling a story of perseverance and ultimately success against all odds. The tone of his website is very somber, and when you click on the history tab, you can read all about the rise and fall of one the only tributes to Cambodian cuisine in all of the city.

Jerry Lew started with a full-fledged restaurant in Brooklyn, but was denied the chance to renew his lease, so he started from scratch. After finding a dilapidated piece of property that was available, the Khmer-Rouge refugee gathered enough funds to remodel the space and make it a classy restaurant, paying homage to traditional Cambodian Cuisine. Unfortunately, this is New York City, and after numerous altercations with the Harvard Law-educated landlord, Lew was thrown out of that establishment. With no more money, in over his head in debt after borrowing money from friends and family, he at last was able to open up a food truck that, despite everything, has prospered in the economic climate.

The food itself is delicious, all the while being true to Cambodian cuisine and maintaining reasonable prices. We sampled their visceral-sounding Karry Tuek, which was spicy curry over vermicelli noodles, along with vegetables mixed in. Simple, delicious, spicy, and comforting. You can taste the sincerity in the preparation; the hard work, suffering, and overall success is embodied in the menu itself, with dishes ranging from $5-$15 and varying levels of “exoticness,” from things that definitely cater to western pallets, all the way to the spicy, more intense dishes for the adventurous eaters.

On this particular night, I was stressed (Calc III quiz and Managerial Accounting midterm both tomorrow, neither of which I have had an available minute to study for), and tend to have this weird idiosyncrasy where my culinary adventurousness is inversely correlated to my stress level — that is, on days like today where I wanted to pop Xanax like tic-tacs, I want the safest, most comforting food available. Cambodian Cuisine Torsu delivered, as the spicy broth of the Vermicelli dances in your tongue, stinging ever so slightly all while still providing an immensely rich flavor.

It is easy to forget the stories of the people that serve up food for us every day — why they are there, what they did before, what they hope to do after. It is truly amazing, and somewhat discouraging, reading the words of Lew himself on his website, ripe with typos, grammatical errors, and passion. The website, décor of the truck, and food is symbolic of Lew himself — simple, unpretentious, but masterfully pulled off.

Tiny peppercorns give Cambodian food a big boost

September 29th, 2011
Posted by: CNN Producer, Pamela Boykoff
Watch the video on CNN here.

Phnom Penh, Cambodia (CNN) – The hunt for heat is part of the lure of many Asian cuisines. China has its addictive, mouth-numbing Sichuan peppercorn. Thailand has the "do I dare" burn of the bird's eye chili.

In Cambodia, heat comes in the form of a Kampot peppercorn, tiny but bursting with spice and an additional depth that ranges from citrus to nutty.

Grown in the Kampot province in Southern Cambodia, this special pepper reached its hey-day in the mid-20th century, when chefs in Europe prized its unique strength and flavor.

The pepper disappeared off the world stage though in the 1970s, when the destructive Khmer Rouge regime isolated Cambodia from the outside world. Farmers neglected their pepper fields and exports from Cambodia were cut off.

Now the farmers of Kampot are trying to rebuild their industry.

Nguon Lay's family had grown peppers for four generations and he is now the head of Kampot Pepper Farmers' Association. He explains why Kampot pepper is different from that of other provinces.

"The location here is good," he says. "It has clay mixed with sand and the talent of the farmers who have learned from their ancestors since the 13th century."

Last year, the Government of Cambodia granted Kampot pepper geographical indication (GI) status, the same kind of trade label that goes on products like Champagne or Gorgonzola cheese. The distinction is a first for the country and it prevents peppers produced in other places from being called Kampot Pepper.

Nguon Lay says that his prices have gone up 10 to 20% since the product got GI status.

"After we got geographical indication our product got even more famous and even the European Union is recognizing it," he says.

His association is already sold out of pepper for the year, with a new harvest expected in February.

Cambodian food is often overshadowed by that of its larger neighbors Thailand and Vietnam. Kampot pepper's GI designation could help raise the profile of the nation's cuisine.

The peppers feature in many of Cambodia's most famous dishes.

Hun Li Heng, a chef that teaches cooking classes in Phnom Penh, says the fresh, green peppers, still on the vine, are used in stir fries and signature dishes like Kampot pepper crab. The sun-dried black peppers are ground as a seasoning for beef or added on top of green peppers for some extra bite.

"It has much stronger smell than other peppers," he says.

If you would like to try Kampot Pepper yourself, an organization called FarmLink distributes it in Europe, Asia and Australia. You can also order from them online, but the shipping charges to the United States are high.

TPRF Aid to Help Build New Wells, Provide Food in Cambodia

Program to include farming tools, training for independent future

By The Prem Rawat Foundation
Published: Thursday, Sep. 29, 2011

LOS ANGELES, Sept. 29, 2011 -- /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The Prem Rawat Foundation (TPRF) is contributing US$21,200 to assist efforts that will bring clean water and immediate food relief to more than 550 people in the Kampong Speu province of Cambodia, where malnutrition has long been a common contributing cause of death among children.

The funds will support a long-term effort by Cambodia's Sao Sary Foundation (SSF) to assist families in one of the nation's poorest districts, which sits west of Phnom Penh. In addition to building wells and distributing rice, the program calls for the provision of farm tools, seeds and training in agriculture and managing family finances.

"TPRF is pleased to be working with SSF," says TPRF President Linda Pascotto, "because they are approaching the problems of severe poverty in Cambodia on multiple levels, with the objective of producing self-sustaining communities. SSF has already demonstrated measurable success from their efforts."

In addition to constructing three wells and distributing 50-pound bags of rice to nearly 90 households, SSF will use TPRF funds to issue water filters, hand pumps, water containers and food for livestock. The program also includes distribution of farming-tool kits, seeds for home gardens, income-management guidance and training on intercropping to increase yields.

Vichetr Uon, SSF's executive director and founder, says that Sao Sary Foundation works in one of the three poorest provinces of Cambodia, a country in which 42% of the population lives in extreme poverty. In Kampong Speu, 57% of households live under a poverty line, identified by the nation's Ministry of Planning as living on less than US$1.25 per day. Vichetr Uon explains that most inhabitants of this area are forced to seek seasonal work in neighboring provinces, where workers are often exploited and sometimes not even paid for their work.

"Parents often force young daughters to work using forged documents saying they are of minimum working age for local factories," Uon says, "in order to provide financial support to their families."

Low annual rainfall and lack of sanitation are related problems in a nation still recovering from decades of civil war, economic stagnation and genocide.

Specific programs for the estimated 560 direct beneficiaries of TPRF's aid, also include teaching community development skills, household planning, budgeting, literacy, agricultural extension and group formation.

About The Prem Rawat Foundation (TPRF)

The Prem Rawat Foundation promotes Prem Rawat's message of peace and his vision of addressing fundamental human needs so that people everywhere can live with dignity, peace and prosperity. For more information, visit: www.tprf.org.

SOURCE The Prem Rawat Foundation

Extracts from . . .

Mill, J.S. 1859 On Liberty

John Stuart Mill (1806-1873)

That mankind are not infallible; that their truths, for the most part, are only half-truths; that unity of opinion, unless resulting from the fullest and freest comparison of opposite opinions, is not desirable, and diversity not an evil, but a good, until mankind are much more capable than at present of recognising all sides of the truth, are principles applicable to men's modes of action, not less than to their opinions.

If it were felt that the free development of individuality is one of the leading essentials of well-being; that it is not only a co-ordinate element with all that is designated by the terms civilisation, instruction, education, culture, but is itself a necessary part and condition of all those things; there would be no danger that liberty should be undervalued, and the adjustment of the boundaries between it and social control would present no extraordinary difficulty.

But the evil is, that individual spontaneity is hardly recognised by the common modes of thinking as having any intrinsic worth, or deserving any regard on its own account. The majority, being satisfied with the ways of mankind as they now are (for it is they who make them what they are), cannot comprehend why those ways should not be good enough for everybody; and what is more, spontaneity forms no part of the ideal of the majority of moral and social reformers, but is rather looked on with jealousy, as a troublesome and perhaps rebellious obstruction to the general acceptance of what these reformers, in their own judgment, think would be best for mankind.

"Even despotism does not produce its worst effects, so long as individuality exists under it; and whatever crushes individuality is despotism, by whatever name it may be called, and whether it professes to be enforcing the will of God or the injunctions of men."

It is not by wearing down into uniformity all that is individual in themselves, but by cultivating it, and calling it forth, within the limits imposed by the rights and interests of others, that human beings become a noble and beautiful object of contemplation; and as the works partake the character of those who do them, by the same process human life also becomes rich, diversified, and animating, furnishing more abundant aliment to high thoughts and elevating feelings, and strengthening the tie which binds every individual to the race, by making the race infinitely better worth belonging to. In proportion to the development of his individuality, each person becomes more valuable to himself, and is therefore capable of being more valuable to others. There is a greater fullness of life about his own existence, and when there is more life in the units there is more in the mass which is composed of them. As much compression as is necessary to prevent the stronger specimens of human nature from encroaching on the rights of others cannot be dispensed with; but for this there is ample compensation even in the point of view of human development. The means of development which the individual loses by being prevented from gratifying his inclinations to the injury of others, are chiefly obtained at the expense of the development of other people. And even to himself there is a full equivalent in the better development of the social part of his nature, rendered possible by the restraint put upon the selfish part. To be held to rigid rules of justice for the sake of others, develops the feelings and capacities which have the good of others for their object. But to be restrained in things not affecting their good, by their mere displeasure, develops nothing valuable, except such force of character as may unfold itself in resisting the restraint. If acquiesced in, it dulls and blunts the whole nature. To give any fair play to the nature of each, it is essential that different persons should be allowed to lead different lives. In proportion as this latitude has been exercised in any age, has that age been noteworthy to posterity. Even despotism does not produce its worst effects, so long as individuality exists under it; and whatever crushes individuality is despotism, by whatever name it may be called, and whether it professes to be enforcing the will of God or the injunctions of men.

Human beings are not like sheep; and even sheep are not undistinguishably alike. A man cannot get a coat or a pair of boots to fit him unless they are either made to his measure, or he has a whole warehouseful to choose from: and is it easier to fit him with a life than with a coat, or are human beings more like one another in their whole physical and spiritual conformation than in the shape of their feet? If it were only that people have diversities of taste, that is reason enough for not attempting to shape them all after one model.

But different persons also require different conditions for their spiritual development; and can no more exist healthily in the same moral, than all the variety of plants can in the same physical, atmosphere and climate. The same things which are helps to one person towards the cultivation of his higher nature are hindrances to another. The same mode of life is a healthy excitement to one, keeping all his faculties of action and enjoyment in their best order, while to another it is a distracting burthen, which suspends or crushes all internal life.

Such are the differences among human beings in their sources of pleasure, their susceptibilities of pain, and the operation on them of different physical and moral agencies, that unless there is a corresponding diversity in their modes of life, they neither obtain their fair share of happiness, nor grow up to the mental, moral, and aesthetic stature of which their nature is capable.

‘Fleeing’ Chea Sim staffer arrested [Hun Sen applied Khmer Rouge-style purges of Chea Sim's loyalists?]

Mrs. Pheng Kunthea Borey receiving foreign diplomats.

Thursday, 29 September 2011
Buth Reaksmey Kongkea

Phnom Penh Post

A fifth official with close links to Senate President Chea Sim was arrested yesterday on accusations of forgery during an alleged attempt to flee the country.

Spokesman for the national military police Kheng Tito said Chea Sim’s chief of protocol, Kunthea Borey, was arrested in Koh Kong province as she attempted to exit the country and was then flown to Phnom Penh for questioning.

“She was arrested over the production of false documents. She was arrested based on a warrant for arrest from the Phnom Penh Municipal Court’s prosecutor,” he said yesterday.

Kheng Tito declined to provide details of the allegations against Kunthea Borey but said the arrest was probably made based on answers from the chief of Chea Sim’s bodyguard unit, Chhoeun Chanthan, who was arrested last month.

He was charged with forging and using public documents as well as illegal possession of weapons and illegally issuing weapon licences on August 16. At the time of his arrest, military police said they had confiscated 12 guns and 1,420 bullets during a raid on his property.

In addition, two former Chea Sim advisers – Police Lieutenant General Chan Kosal, 60, and former Cabinet member Khieu Bora, 50 – were arrested on Friday on accusations of forgery, according to local media reports.

Lieutenant General Ponlork Ho, 58, also a former adviser, was reportedly arrested on Sunday on similar charges.

Mom Sarin, Chea Sim's cabinet chief, Chiv Keng, president of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court, and Yeth Chakriya, chief prosecutor of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court, could not be reached for comment yesterday. Kunthea Borey has been detained for questioning at the military police headquarters in Phnom Penh, Kheng Tito said.

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Interview with Ven. Luon Sovath, a human rights campaigner

Summary of the Interview in English

To listen to audio of the interview, click here.

Interviewer: Venerable, what are your purposes in coming to Australia?

Ven. Luon Sovath: My purposes to come to Australia this time is to participate with Khmer Buddhists in Australia during this auspicious Bon Pchum Ben during this Rain Retreat Season as in Cambodia I am expelled from the pagoda by the Supreme Patriarchs and the Chief Monk of Siem Reap because of my activity in engaging with the evicted communities and the victims of land grabbing. Other purpose is to bring petition for the greater support of everyone in requesting the supreme patriarch as well as the chief monk of Siem Reap province to withdraw their orders.

Interviewer: Now, Venerable is arriving in Australia, do you plan to travel to other cities as well or just stay in Melbourne?

Ven. Luon Sovath: Yes, I will travel in accordance with the invitation and friendly relationship of the Buddhist friends here.

Interviewer: so Venerable plans to stay in Australia only one month?

Ven.Luon Sovath: Yes

Interviewer: Recently, Venerable has faced many problems because of your engagement with the social activities, could Venerable discuss those issues in details for the audience here?

Ven. Luan Sovath: Truly, it is because my engagement and outreaching to the communities of land grab victims and forced eviction. In reality, it is not my problem, it is the government problem whose people have been suffered. Look at the Australian government, the suffering of the people has been justly dealt. In Cambodia, the suffering of the people have been deeply embedded by the lawless activities, physical violence and bullet shooting.

According to Buddha's teaching, everyone is equal and fully exercising basic rights. If the government followed this teaching, it would have no problem in society at all. Authority at all levels must not abuse their power. When people at the rural areas are facing suffering and violation from the richs, the policemen or authorities must help them. But in contrast, those authorities and policemen beat and shoot at the people.

On behalf of a Buddhist monk, I take no side, no discrimination and no violence. I am undertaking four sublime states of the mind ie. metta (loving-kindness), karuna (compassion), mudita (sympathy) and upekkha (neutrality). But I am not seen by this virtue, contradictorily the authority accused me of violation the rules of Buddhism and joining the political activity. Of course, all these accusations are baseless.

So I would like to appeal to everyone to deeply research on this matter and help to write an appealing letter, petition or other lobbying activities by submitting to the international communities, embassies, Cambodian government and the Buddhist institution etc. to withdraw those orders.

Interviewer: According to the order of Supreme Patriarch Noun Ngeth, it means to force Venerable to stop those activities or to defrock Venerable?

Ven. Luon Sovath: The order is tending to accuse me of political involvement and violation of Buddhist's principles. In reality, the order has clearly distorted my Engaged Buddhism, freedom of speech and rights of social participation. Understand that the order is not the rule or the principle of the Buddha's teaching. It is just a personal decision which is evidently a totalitarian manner to force me to be arrested, defrocked or expelled from the country.

But for me, I will not stop from my Engaged Buddhism. I will stand firmly with those victims in Cambodia. For me, if I am defrocked, I am keenly arrested by the new criminal law to put in jail or convicted by the authority.

I have become a monk in order to seek my personal knowledge, to help the social causes and propagate Buddhism. I am wondering, their accusation tends to stop all those primary intention of how becoming a monk of mine or what?

Buddhists and people nationwide and worldwide have supported me and my original purposes in engaging with the communities and propagating Buddhism.

Interviewer: If Venerable went back to Cambodia, is there any pagada Venerable will go to stay?

Ven. Luon Sovath: In accordance to Buddhism, the actual pagoda is inside our heart, the pagoda outside is just a symbolic one. Lord Buddha played important role in teaching us how important is the pagoda inside ourselves. Buddha traveled from places to places without having proper pagoda to stay. I am a Buddha's student, I must do the same.

Interviewer: Venerable, has you been concerning of personal security and safety?

Ven.Luon Sovath: Every being is afraid of danger and insecurity. I am the same. But my returning back to Cambodia is not feeling in insecure as I have done nothing wrong. Those who are feeling insecure because of their bad deeds and lawless activities.

Interviewer: what is your plans in Cambodia when returning back to Cambodia?

Ven. Luon Sovath: My plan is the same: to learn and practice Buddhism, to outreach to all communities and propagate Buddhism. Those plans are in accordance with principles of Buddhism, universal laws, human rights and freedom of speech.

Cambodia flood damage ‘very serious’

Reuters: Children play in flood waters on a street in Phnom Penh.

September 29 2011

More than 100 Cambodians, nearly half of them children, have died in the country's worst flooding in a decade, a disaster official said on Thursday.

Heavy rainfall, which has also caused the Mekong river to overflow, has killed at least 105 people, including 47 children, since mid-August, spokesman Keo Vy of the National Committee for Disaster Management told AFP.

Tens of thousands of hectares (acres) of rice paddies have been inundated and more than 17 000 families had to be evacuated to higher ground in 12 provinces across the country, he added.

“The damage is very serious this year,” said Keo Vy, noting that it was surpassed only by the floods that occurred during the rainy season in 2000, when more than 340 people were killed.

Nearly 200 tourists, including foreigners, were airlifted from Cambodia's famed Angkor temple complex last week after a road to one of the ruins was cut off by flash floods.

In neighbouring Thailand, almost two months of severe flooding have left more than 170 people dead. - AFP

Will Cambodia overtake us [The Philippines] in global competitiveness?

By: Francis Lim
Philippine Daily Inquirer

Wednesday, September 28th, 2011

The World Economic Forum (WEF) recently released the 2011-2012 edition of the Global Competitiveness Report (GCR).

The WEF, through the GCR, reports on the competitiveness of economies worldwide annually on the basis of the Global Competitiveness Index (GCI), a comprehensive tool that measures the microeconomic and macroeconomic foundations of national competitiveness.

There is both good and bad news for the Philippines from the latest survey.

The good news, as trumpeted in the major dailies recently, is that the Philippines improved its ranking from 85th out of 139 countries in 2010-2011 to 75th out of 142 countries in the most recent report.

Kudos to the Aquino administration!

The report covers the first full year of the Aquino administration.

But lest we are lulled into complacency, let’s do a reality check on how we compare with other Asean countries that were rated in the 2011-2012 survey.

To start with, there’s no question any more that Asean countries, which trailed behind us during our glory days in Asia—Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand—have long overtaken us in the Asean ranking. Even war-ravaged Vietnam has already surpassed us a few years ago. The data speak for themselves. Res ipsa loquitur, as we lawyers call it.

Focusing on the 2011-2012 survey, Singapore scored the highest among the Asean countries in the overall score. In fact, Singapore—a tiny nation not gifted with abundant natural resources like us—is way up in the world ranking.

From fifth place in 2008, Singapore moved up to second place in this year’s ranking, displacing powerhouses like the United States in the world ranking.

The Philippines is second-to-the-last in the Asean (75th), 10 notches below Vietnam (65th) and better only than another war-torn country, Cambodia (97th ).

Indeed, we have our work cut out for us.

There are three sub-indices in the GCI divided into 12 pillars by which countries all over the world are rated.

The first sub-index is “Basic Requirements,” which ranks countries in terms of the quality of their primary education, public institutions, macroeconomic environment, and health.

On this sub-index, we placed second to the last in the Asean at 100th place, better only than Cambodia, which is ranked 108th in the world. Clearly, we were outranked by Vietnam (76th place) by 24 steps. This is not even comparable with our co-founding members of the Asean like Indonesia (53rd), Thailand (46th), Malaysia (25th) and, of course, Singapore (1st).

The second sub-index is “Efficiency Enhancers,” which rank countries in terms of higher education and training, goods market efficiency, labor market efficiency, financial market development, technological readiness, and domestic market size.

We ranked third to the last in the Asean region. Asean countries like Thailand and Vietnam, which we used to teach in the not-so-distant past, are now ahead of us by miles. Thailand, for example, is ranked 43rd compared with our ranking of 70th place. Even Vietnam, whose score deteriorated from the previous year, is higher than us by four notches at 66th place.

The last sub-index is “Innovation and Sophistication,” where countries are ranked on the basis of their business sophistication and innovation.

Here, we are again ranked third to the last in the Asean at 74th place. And, as with the other sub-indices, we are far behind our co-founding members of the Asean with Thailand at 51st; Indonesia at 41st; Malaysia at 22nd and Singapore at 11th place in the world.

While we outperformed Cambodia in the latest survey, Cambodia did extremely well in improving its ranking during the recent years.

Let’s do a four-year review (2008-2012) based on the readily available figures from the WEF website.

In terms of overall ranking, we dropped four ranks from 71st in the 2008-2009 ranking to 75th in this year’s ranking. Cambodia, on the other hand, went up 12 notches from 109th to 97th place. Cambodia surpassed us by 16 notches in the overall score over the four-year period.

In terms of the sub-indices, Cambodia did a lot better than the Philippines.

In “Basic Requirements,” which accounts for about 60 percent of the total score, Cambodia went down by only one notch while we nose-dived by 15 notches from 85th to 100th position. Otherwise stated, we were overtaken by Cambodia by 14 notches during the four-year period.

Similarly, in “Efficiency Enhancers,” we went down by two steps (rank 68th to 70th) while Cambodia gained 17 steps from 115th position in 2008 to 98th place this year. Using marathon language, Cambodia outran us by 19 miles in this leg of the race over a four-year period.

Our poor ratings in “Basic Requirements” and “Efficiency Enhancers” vis-a-vis Cambodia should be a wake-up call for us. These two sub-indices carry significant weights in our category of the global competitiveness report.

Lastly, in terms of “Innovation and Sophistication,” Cambodia improved its ranking by 21 notches from 112th place in 2008 to 91st in this year’s ranking.

The Philippines, on the other hand, went down seven rungs of the competitive ladder from 67th to 74th place over the four-year period. Again, Cambodia outpaced us by a whopping 28 long miles in the race for business sophistication and innovation.

The big question then is: “Will Cambodia overtake the Philippines in the world competitiveness ranking?”

The writing on the wall appears clear, erasable only IF we as a people finally get our act together.

Paraphrasing President Barrack Obama, this, indeed, is the leadership challenge to President Aquino—shall we move forward together as a nation, or not at all?

(The author, formerly the president and CEO of the Philippine Stock Exchange, is now the co-managing partner and head of the Corporate and Special Projects Department of the Angara Abello Concepcion Regala & Cruz Law Offices or Accralaw. He can be contacted through felim@accralaw.com.)

[Cambodia-Thai] Prisoner exchange expected

Thursday, 29 September 2011

Vong Sokheng and David Boyle

Photo by: Heng Chivoan
Prime Minister Hun Sen shakes hands with Thailand’s Defence Minister General Yuthasak Sasiprapha last week.

Phnom Penh Post

PRISONER exchanges between Phnom Penh and Bangkok could take place “very soon”, a Thai government spokeswoman said yesterday, after Prime Minster Hun Sen reportedly urged Thailand’s Defence Minister to begin negotiations during talks last week.

Thai government spokeswoman Titima Chaisang could not provide exact details of when an exchange would take place or which prisoners would be repatriated, but said the Thai Ministry of Justice had begun examining in detail how to circumvent existing legal impediments.

At the centre of speculation around a possible prisoner swap are jailed Thai “Yellow Shirt” nationalist Veera Somkwamkid and his associate Ratree Pipatanapaiboon. They were given eight and six-year jail sentences in Cambodia in February for espionage charges.

In June, Cambodian Ung Kimthai was arrested in Thailand on charges of spying. He was subsequently sentenced to two years and three months in jail for being an accomplice to suspected spy Ya Pao in September.

“We want to have a win-win [situation], we want to help Veera and Ratree and also we want to have the good relationship between the two countries and Samdach Hun Sen understands what is going on. The answer [to when an exchange will happen] is very soon,” said Titima Chaisang.

Prime Minister Hun Sen’s personal spokesman Eang Sophalleth said yesterday that Thai Defence Minister Yuthasak Sasiprapha had asked Prime Minister Hun Sen to consider negotiating a Royal Pardon for Veera and Ratree.

“Related to the request to pardon the two Thai prisoners, Samdech Techo [Hun Sen] urged [Yuthasak} to open negotiations for the exchange prisoners,” he said, adding that another 38 Thai nationals remain imprisoned in Cambodia.

Titima Chaisang said though Cambodia and Thailand had an agreement for transferring prisoners, there was no legal exchange treaty between the two countries.

Carlyle Thayer, a professor of politics at the University of New South Wales, said the absence of such a treaty would make it easier to negotiate exchanges because such agreements required a “huge formal legal process” including appeals.

“Normally there is an extradition treaty or a legal mutual assistance program. In the absence of it they can just jerry-rig it, just decide who will be exchanged,” he said.

Both governments stood to gain domestically from a prisoner swap by demonstrating they looked after the interests of their citizens while deflating potential tensions both at home and in bilateral relations, he said.

[Cambodia-Thai] Friendly football fixture unites nations

Thursday, 29 September 2011
Hin Pisei

Photo by: Sreng Meng Srun

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen (right) goes to tackle former Thai prime minister Somchai Wongsawat in front of current Thai MP Jatuporn Prompan during their friendly match at Olympic Stadium on Saturday.

Phnom Penh Post

The 90-minute friendly football match between politicians and high ranking officials of Cambodia and Thailand went off without a hitch on Saturday at Olympic Stadium, as thousands of home and visiting fans celebrated the new-found friendship between the governments.

The bloody border disputes that dominated the headlines in April of this year seemed a distant memory as Cambodian Prime Minster Hun Sen led his red-shirted side to a 10-7 victory over the blue team captained by former Thailand Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat.

Both sides were comprised of members of either delegation, helping to play down any notions of competitiveness.

The 59-year-old Hun Sen scored four goals for the Reds, a tally matched by President of the Cambodian National Assembly Heng Samrin, 77, for the Blues.

During an address to the packed stands in the build up to kickoff, Hun Sen had called the event a “showpiece of the good relationship between the two neighbouring countries”, adding that that game would see a change from using weapons to using football.

Cambodian soccer fan Sok Sambath, 30, said he was “very excited to see this event live”, adding that he was surprised to see a sizeable turnout of Thai fans.

Thailand national Pornsatid Ponpuak, a 38-year-old cook from Bangkok who claimed to have made the trip especially for the match at her own expense, said she thought “most Thai people love the new government policy that can make a good relationship with a neighbour like Cambodia”.

Sao Sokha, president of the Football Federation of Cambodia and wearer of the number 7 shirt for the Reds, said the match was a good example of the ongoing process which sees both Kingdoms enjoy smooth relations once again. He noted, however, that the benevolence was not necessarily long-term and would rely on the solidarity of citizens as well.

TRANSLATED BY PANN RETHEA