There is widespread consent among political analysts in Cambodia that
the CPP will be returned to power in July’s national election.
But online, the popularity contest between Prime Minister Hun Sen and
his rivals in the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) is much harder
to measure.
On his Facebook page last week, CNRP president Sam Rainsy asked his
followers to help him surpass Mr. Hun Sen in the number of “likes” he
had, a feat that he achieved Wednesday evening.
“Today, at 19:09, opposition leader Sam Rainsy has officially more
Facebook followers (67,595) than outgoing prime minister Hun Sen
(67,561)!” said a statement from the CNRP. As of Sunday afternoon, Mr.
Rainsy had topped 75,000 likes compared to just more than 68,000 for Mr.
Hun Sen.
With severely restricted access to mass media and limited resources
to spread its message on the ground, the CNRP is hoping to capitalize on
the fast-expanding population of Facebook users in the country to help
rally support for the party.
But can social media really make a difference in Cambodian politics
when less than 20 percent of the population is online, and only 5
percent is on Facebook?
The 700,000 Cambodians who use Facebook may have access to more
balanced information than the majority of the country, which relies
mainly on radio and television channels that are aligned with the ruling
party.
But political analysts and observers say it is yet to be seen how
effective social networking sites such as Facebook can be in engaging
people in politics.
“With social media and expanding access—though still extremely
limited—to the Internet and to the blogosphere and to Facebook, there is
lots of opportunity” for political parties to spread their message
online, said Laura Thornton, resident director of the U.S.-based
National Democratic Institute in Cambodia.
“We have seen parties in Malaysia really take advantage of social
media. Malaysia also has one-sided media and you have seen Internet
explode with online publications, which fundamentally changed the
political environment in Malaysia,” she said.
“The difference in Malaysia is people have much more access to the
Internet, but I think there is still opportunity there,” she added.
Though he lost the national election in May, Malaysian opposition
leader Anwar Ibrahim drew massive anti-government crowds before the vote
and continued to do so afterward on the grounds the election was
unfairly contested.
According to the government, Internet access in Cambodia is rapidly
expanding. At an annual meeting of the Ministry of Posts and
Telecommunication in March, secretary of state Sarak Khan said that
there were 2.7 million Cambodians online by the end of 2012, a 60
percent increase from the previous year.
With smartphones and broadband Internet getting cheaper, this figure
is likely to steadily increase, according to Be Chantra, a social
networking manager at the Open Institute, an organization that promotes
the use of technology in education.
“Mobile devices are much cheaper, smartphones now are under $100 and
they can access Internet. And the 3G on mobiles is quite low cost, which
has changed access to Internet, especially Facebook and YouTube,” he
said.
“I have seen lately on Facebook everyone is talking, especially about
politics and the upcoming election because they may think that Facebook
is a channel that can get a range of information. On TV they may get
only one way of information, but on Facebook it is two-way
communications and they can interact,” he said.
Mr. Rainsy says that the emergence of social media networks such as
Facebook has presented a significant challenge to the CPP’s ability to
control the media in Cambodia.
“Social media has already put an end to the CPP’s long-time monopoly
on mass video communication and this will have far-reaching
implications,” he said in an email, noting that “Rainsy TV,” a series of
online videos in which Mr. Rainsy speaks on various issues, has been
seen by hundreds of thousands of people in the past month.
“The Internet will increasingly become the primary channel for young
Cambodians to rally for change in the upcoming elections. The tide is
quickly turning against Hun Sen and his efforts to suppress the voice of
the people with his stranglehold over traditional media,” Mr. Rainsy
added.
Mu Sochua, a CNRP candidate in the national election, said that along
with dedicated staff to manage the Facebook pages of Mr. Rainsy and Mr.
Sokha, who has amassed about 70,000 likes on his own page, the CNRP has
asked provincial activists to launch localized social media campaigns.
On at least a dozen CNRP Facebook pages focusing on the party’s
campaigns in various provinces, users can view images and video of CNRP
candidates delivering speeches or get updates on other party activities.
They can also find out what the CNRP’s political adversaries think
about their campaign.
The CPP has its own online presence. Although the CPP’s main Facebook
page has just 561 likes, a network of pages and profiles managed by
members of the pro-CPP Union of Youth Federation of Cambodia (UYFC),
headed by Mr. Hun Sen’s son, Hun Many, are leading the party’s campaign
for the youth vote.
Frequently updated posts on UYCF pages from all over the country tout
the achievements of Mr. Hun Sen and the CPP, occasionally mock Mr.
Sokha and Mr. Rainsy, but mostly show young CPP supporters excitedly
taking part in activities throughout the country, often alongside Mr.
Hun Many.
According to Moeun Chhean Nariddh, director of the Cambodia Institute
for Media Studies, the relatively small percentage of Cambodians online
represents an important demographic for the opposition party.
“I think even though the number of users is still small, they can
have a domino effect on the general population because users of Facebook
or social media tools can educate their relatives and friends and
colleagues. So even though the number is not very big, it is very
powerful tool [for the CNRP] to use,” he said.
However, Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said that online
campaigning is unlikely to impact the ruling party’s traditional support
in rural areas or shake up the current political order.
“For the time being, I don’t think Facebook and electronics will
affect voting, but it might affect politicians—opposition or ruling
party—who can learn from each other about what the people need and
demand. So that is important for politicians at national level, but at
grassroots not so much,” he said.
As the CNRP has devoted more of its resources to efforts to promote
itself online, the CPP has put little effort into creating its own
online following. Mr. Hun Sen’s Facebook page was last updated April 22.
While the majority of people using Facebook in Cambodia might not
intend to use it to follow politics, Facebook’s interface exposes
everyone who uses it to the ideas and events going on within their
circle of “friends,” said Tharum Bun, a social media consultant in Phnom
Penh.
While Mr. Bun agreed that the CNRP is unlikely to see any substantial
benefits from its online presence in this election, as more Cambodians
connect to the Internet, the opposition could start to see more
support.
“Social media will continue to flourish as a medium of choice for a
larger Cambodian audience in the coming years. For any political party
not establishing itself online well, it means that it chooses to rule
out a powerful communication tool to reach out their potential voters,”
he said.
1 comment:
In true democratic countries, the Free Press, including Mass Media is considered as an additional branch of the government, i.e. Legislative, Executive,
Judicial, and Free Press.
Cambodia is a long way from it, if not at all.
Khmer Girl
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