Updated October 15, 2012,
The Wall Street Journal
By PATRICK BARTA
Norodom Sihanouk, a two-time king who
helped guide the small Southeast Asian nation of Cambodia through its
first years of independence but ultimately failed to prevent it from
descending into genocide at the end of the Vietnam War, died early
Monday of natural causes in Beijing. He was 89 years old.
According to state-run Xinhua news agency, Chinese Vice President Xi
Jinping, Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo, Director of the General
Office of the CPC Central Committee Li Zhanshu and Foreign Minister Yang
Jiechi visited Cambodia's former Queen Norodom Monineath Sihanouk on
Monday morning to express their condolences and sympathy. "We are
greatly shocked and grieved to learn that His Majesty former King
Sihanouk died this morning in Beijing," Mr. Xi said after a silent
tribute in front of a portrait of Mr. Sihanouk.
Mr. Xi spoke highly of Mr. Sihanouk as an old friend of the Chinese
people, who he said would live in the hearts of Chinese and Cambodian
people forever. Mr. Xi said that he believed that the friendship between
the two nations would continue and develop, according to Xinhua.
The energetic, mercurial leader was considered a major figure in 20th
century Asian politics, and his years in power are remembered fondly by
many Cambodians, many of whom viewed him as semidivine and credited him
with securing Cambodia's freedom from France in the 1950s. His skillful
diplomacy in the 1960s helped ensure that Cambodia wasn't swept into
the mushrooming conflict in neighboring Vietnam, though he was
eventually pushed from power as the conflict there escalated.
The legacy of Mr. Sihanouk's operatic life is tainted by his complex
and controversial association with the Khmer Rouge, a radical left-wing
insurgency that controlled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 and launched one
of the worst genocides of the 20th century, leaving more than a million
Cambodians dead. Although historians say Mr. Sihanouk didn't actively
participate in Khmer Rouge policy making and deplored its tactics, he at
times aligned himself with the group in hopes of regaining his power,
and some critics say his affiliation with the group helped its cause.
In a 2005 memoir, Mr. Sihanouk said he "dared to struggle in alliance
with the Red Khmers, against U.S. imperialism" but ultimately
"condemned the despotic and bloody regime" of the Khmer Rouge, which he
said "elevated lying, deception and intellectual dishonesty to the rank
of a state institution."
Mr. Sihanouk still has many defenders, including some Cambodian
historians who argue he wanted what he thought was best for his country,
including peace, independence and recognition on the world stage. But
he also was criticized widely for vanity and a domineering style, and
for treating Cambodians as if they were children who couldn't decide
their fates without his supreme guidance.
Norodom Sihanouk's Life
It isn't fair to blame Mr. Sihanouk
directly for the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge, but his refusal to
nurture a more mature democracy and bring other voices into government
while he was in power "opened the way" for more-radical leftists to take
over, said Milton Osborne, a former Australian diplomat in Cambodia and
visiting fellow at the Lowy Institute for International Policy in
Sydney.
"I think he can be faulted fundamentally for his inability to share
responsibility with anyone in the Cambodian state and his belief that
he, and he alone, knew what was best for Cambodia," said Mr. Osborne.
Mr. Sihanouk was a survivor, though, and in his later years
Cambodians and international diplomats turned to him again as one of the
few figures capable of unifying the war-torn country. He became king
again in 1993, a post he held until 2004. In many ways the decision was
an affirmation of Mr. Sihanouk's exceptional political skill, which he
used to play superpowers off each other while scrambling to maintain a
role for himself at home. With his health woes mounting, he abdicated in
2004, allowing the throne to pass to his son, former ballet dancer
Norodom Sihamoni. His son is still on the throne in the largely
ceremonial position.
Mr. Sihanouk was known as a hard worker who distrusted strict
ideologies and foreign intervention, though he labored to charm foreign
leaders with a legendary attention to detail when it served his
interests. Diplomats recalled that he made sure British royalty were
treated to British toilet paper during a visit before the Vietnam War.
He was something of a bon vivant, producing his own films, heading up
a jazz band, and playing saxophone at late-night parties. He often
boasted of his amorous adventures, and fathered 14 children from at
least five marriages.
Mr. Sihanouk was born in 1922 in Phnom Penh. Over the years, the
royal family's powers had been chipped away as France expanded its
influence in Cambodia in the 19th and early 20th centuries. French
officials chose then-Prince Sihanouk for the throne in 1941 because they
thought he would be weak and compliant, serving as a figurehead while
French authorities administered the state.
But King Sihanouk proved hard to manage. He rallied public support
for independence, and secured it in 1953 as France sought to rein in its
colonial adventures. A year later, Mr. Sihanouk abdicated to remake
himself as a mass politician, serving as prime minister and in other
roles that enabled him to effectively dominate Cambodian politics until
1970.
As Cambodia's main leader in that period, he took many steps to
improve the country, including spending heavily on education. But the
economy struggled at times after he nationalized key industries as part
of a program he termed "Buddhist Socialism," and he became increasingly
autocratic, cracking down on dissidents whom he saw as a threat to
public order.
He steered a neutral course when tensions
rose in Vietnam, though doing so became harder as the conflict
escalated. Facing pressure from North Vietnam, he broke off diplomatic
ties with the U.S. in the mid-1960s, and later retreated more into
filmmaking, which critics said detached him from policy making and the
realities of his country's poverty. At a 1969 international film
festival stage-managed by the royal household, one of his films was
awarded a solid gold statue made from ingots donated by Cambodia's
national bank.
A year later, Prince Sihanouk was overthrown by a pro-U.S. government,
and the U.S. military expanded bombing campaigns in the country to flush
out communists taking refuge there. In exile in Beijing, Mr. Sihanouk
allied himself with China's communists and the Khmer Rouge, who were
trying to oust Cambodia's new leader, Lon Nol. When the Khmer Rouge
succeeded, taking over Phnom Penh in 1975, Mr. Sihanouk was installed,
temporarily, as the Khmer Rouge's puppet head of state.
Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Prince Sihanouk in July 1996.
Upon his return to Phnom Penh, Mr.
Sihanouk became a prisoner of the new regime, led by dictator Pol Pot,
which wanted to make Cambodia into a Maoist utopia by abolishing private
property and currency and setting up agricultural collectives around
the country. The movement forced nearly all Phnom Penh residents into
the countryside and massacred perceived enemies of the state, including
some of Mr. Sihanouk's relatives, on a mass scale.
Vietnamese invaders toppled the Khmer Rouge in 1979, ushering in
further instability. Mr. Sihanouk kept residences in China and North
Korea but maintained links with Cambodia's main political
players—including Khmer Rouge holdouts—until he was able to re-emerge in
1993, in his early 70s, as king again.
His second kingship was largely a symbolic post, and his ambitions
were frequently thwarted by other leaders such as Hun Sen, a former
Khmer Rouge cadre who defected from the group before becoming Cambodia's
prime minister. Feeling marginalized, Mr. Sihanouk looked for other
outlets to express himself, including regular bulletins and blog posts
for diplomats and journalists filled with recipes, musings on Cambodian
politics and graphic details about his various ailments, from diabetes
to cancer.
—Sun Narin
contributed to this article. Write to Patrick Barta at patrick.barta@wsj.com
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