A Change of Guard

សូមស្តាប់វិទ្យុសង្គ្រោះជាតិ Please read more Khmer news and listen to CNRP Radio at National Rescue Party. សូមស្តាប់វីទ្យុខ្មែរប៉ុស្តិ៍/Khmer Post Radio.
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Saturday, 2 August 2014

The biography of Thean Vuthy, a man claiming to be a reincarnation of the Buddha ទម្លាយ​ប្រវត្តិ​អាថ៌កំបាំង ធាន វុទ្ធី តាំង​ខ្លួន​ជា​ព្រះសិអារ្យមេត្រិយ

Read about Thean Vuthy in English here.
រូប​ថត និង​វីស៊ីឌី របស់ ធាន វុទ្ធី ត្រូវ​បាន​ដាក់​លក់​ព្រោង​ព្រាត។
រូប​ថត និង​វីស៊ីឌី របស់ ធាន វុទ្ធី ត្រូវ​បាន​ដាក់​លក់​ព្រោង​ព្រាត។ ហុង មិនា


សំណួរ​ជាច្រើន​បាន​លើក​ឡើង​ថា តើ​បុគ្គល ធាន វុទ្ធី ដែល​តាំង​ខ្លួនឯង​ជា​ព្រះអរិយមេតិយ្យ (​សិអារ្យមេត្រិយ) ជា​នរណា បើ​សូម្បីតែ​ព្រះសង្ឃ​ជា​សាវ័ក​របស់​ព្រះពុទ្ធ ក៏​ថ្វាយបង្គំ ធាន វុទ្ធី ស្មើ​បាតជើង​នោះ?
ការ​ផ្តើម​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ចោទ​ជា​សំណួរ​នេះ បន្ទាប់ពី​ការ​រំជើបរំជួល​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​ការ​ប្រតិបត្ដិ​មិន​ប្រក្រតី​របស់​បុរស​ម្នាក់​ឈ្មោះ ធាន វុទ្ធី អ្នក​កសាង​មហាវត្ត​ទួលរាជា ដែល​ល្បី​ព្រះធំ​ជាង​គេ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​ខ្មែរ មាន​ទីតាំង​ស្ថិត​នៅ​ភូមិ​កំពង់គរ ឃុំ​ពោធិ៍បាន ស្រុក​កោះធំ ខេត្ត​កណ្តាល ហើយ​រូបគេ​បាន​តាំង​ខ្លួនឯង​ជា​ព្រះអរិយមេតិយ្យ​(សិអារ្យមេត្រិយ​)​បុគ្គល​ខ្ពស់​លើស​សង្ឃ ធ្វើឲ្យ​សង្ឃ​ក្រាប​សំពះ​ខ្លួន​នោះ​។
បើ​ទោះ​ជា​ក្រសួង និង​មន្រ្តី​សង្ឃ​ធំៗ បាន​ចាត់​ទុក​ទង្វើ ធាន វុទ្ធី ធ្វើ​ដូចជា​ឲ្យ​ព្រះសង្ឃ​ថ្វាយបង្គំ និង​ឲ្យ​មនុស្ស​ចាស់ ដេក​ហើយ​ដើរ​ជាន់​ប្រៀប​បាន​នឹង​សម័យ​ព្រះ​នោះ​ថា ជា​ទង្វើ​ប្រាសចាក​ពី​សាសនា​ព្រះពុទ្ធ និង​បង្ក​ឲ្យ​អាប់ឱន​ដល់​សាសនា​ក៏ដោយ ទាំង​ដូនជី ទាំង​ព្រះសង្ឃ ដែល​គេ​ដឹង​ថា​ជា​សាវ័ក​របស់​ធាន វុទ្ធី នោះ នៅតែ​អះអាង​ការពារ​ទង្វើ​របស់​បុគ្គល ធាន វុទ្ធី ថា​នោះ​មិនមែន​ជា​រឿង​ខុសឆ្គង​របស់​លោក​ឡើយ។ បើ​លោក​មិនមែន​ជា​អ្នក​មាន​បុណ្យ​បារមី​ពិត ក៏​គ្មាន​អ្នក​ជឿ​ដល់​ថ្ងៃ​នេះ​ដែរ។
​រូប​ថត បញ្ជាក់​អំពី​ព្រះ​សង្ឃ និង​អាចារ្យ ដូន​ជី ក្រាប​ថ្វាយ​បង្គំ​ ធាន វុទ្ធី រាប​ដូច​កន្ទេល។ ​ រូប​ថត​សហ​ការី
​រូប​ថត បញ្ជាក់​អំពី​ព្រះ​សង្ឃ និង​អាចារ្យ ដូន​ជី ក្រាប​ថ្វាយ​បង្គំ​ ធាន វុទ្ធី រាប​ដូច​កន្ទេល។ ​ រូប​ថត​សហ​ការី
អ្នកភូមិ​ចំប៉ា ឃុំ​ចំប៉ា ស្រុក​ព្រៃកម្បាស ខេត្ត​តាកែវ ដែល​ទី​នោះ​ជា​កន្លែង​កំណើត​ធំ​ដឹងក្តី​របស់ ធាន វុទ្ធី បាន​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា៖​«ធាន វុទ្ធី មិន​ធ្លាប់​បាន​បួស​ជា​សង្ឃ​ទេ​ពី​មុន​មក ហើយ​ក៏​មិន​ដឹង​យ៉ាង​ណា​ដែរ ពេល​អាយុ​ប្រហែល​ជា​ជិត​២០​ឆ្នាំ ក៏​ឮ​ថា វុទ្ធី មាន​បារមី​ចូល​សណ្ឋិត តែ​ពេល​នោះ​អ្នកស្រុក​ក៏​មិន​ជឿ​ដែរ ហើយ​មិន​បាន​ប៉ុន្មាន​ក៏​ទៅ​នៅ​វត្ត​ទួលរាជា​នោះ​ទល់សព្វ​ថ្ងៃ​ហ្នឹង​»។
ក្នុង​វ័យ​៤០​ឆ្នាំ​ស្រ្តី​ដែល​អះអាង​ថា​គាត់​ធ្លាប់​ជា​មិត្ត​រួមថ្នាក់​ជាមួយ ធាន វុទ្ធី តាំងពី​ថ្នាក់​ដំបូង លុះ​ប្រឡង​ចប់​ឌីសប្លូម បាន​ប្រាប់​ថា៖​«វុទ្ធី គេ​រៀន​ពូកែ ហើយ​អក្សរ​ក៏ស្អាត​ទៀត បើ​ទោះ​ជា​គេ​សរសេរ​ដៃ​ឆ្វេង​ក៏ដោយ។ តែ​គេ​ជា​កូនកំព្រា​ឪពុក គេ​រស់នៅ​ជាមួយ​ម្តាយ​មេម៉ាយ ដែល​មាន​បងប្អូន​រួម​ផ្ទៃ​តែ​ពីរ​នាក់ តែ​គេ​ក៏​នៅ​មាន​បងប្អូន​ពីរ​បី​នាក់ ផ្ទៃ​ដោយ​ខ្លួន​ទៀត​ដែរ»។
ស្រ្តី​ដដែល​ដែល​ស្នើសុំ​មិន​ឲ្យ​បញ្ចេញ​ឈ្មោះ​រូប​នេះ​បាន​អត្ថាធិប្បាយ​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ទៀត​ថា៖​«ធាន វុទ្ធី នេះ​មិនមែន​ជា​មនុស្ស​អ្នក​មាន​បុណ្យ​បារមី​អី​ទេ សព្វថ្ងៃ​គាត់​មាន​ប្រពន្ធ និង​មាន​កូន​ដល់​ពេញ​កន្ទេល​ឯណោះ»​។
ស្រ្តី​ដដែល​បាន​បញ្ជាក់​ថា៖​«ធាន វុទ្ធី មាន​ប្រពន្ធ និង​កូន​ទាំងអស់​បួន​នាក់ តែ​សព្វថ្ងៃ​កូន​នៅតែ​បី​ទេ ស្លាប់​មួយ​ហើយ។ ប្រពន្ធ​គេ គេ​រៀបការ​ក្រោយ​ពេល​ដែល​តាំង​ខ្លួន​ជា​តាបស់ ទៅ​នៅ​វត្ត​ទួលរាជា​បាន​ប្រហែល​ជា​ពីរ​ឆ្នាំ​ក៏​មក​រៀបការ​ប្រពន្ធ កូនក្រមុំ​អ្នក​នៅ​ផ្សារ​ព្រៃផ្អេ ស្រុក​ព្រៃកប្បាស ហ្នឹង​ដែរ​»។
សព្វថ្ងៃ​មិន​ត្រឹម​តែ​មាន​ប្រពន្ធ និង​មាន​កូន​ពេញ​កន្ទេល​ទេ ស្រីស្នេហ៍​ក៏​មិន​ខ្វះ​ដែរ។ នេះ​ជា​ពាក្យ​បន្ទរ​របស់​អ្នកភូមិ​ចំប៉ា ដែល​ជា​ភូមិ​កំណើត​កើត​ជា​របស់ ធាន វុទ្ធី ។
អ្នកភូមិ​ក៏​បាន​និយាយ​ទៀត​ថា ធាន វុទ្ធី ក្រោយពី​តាំង​ខ្លួនឯង​ជា​អ្នក​មាន​បុណ្យ ជា​ព្រះសិអារ្យមេត្រិយ គេ​មាន​លុយ​ច្រើន​ណាស់ ក្រៅពី​ធ្វើ​ព្រះ​ធំៗ គេ​មាន​ផ្ទះ​នៅ​ភ្នំពេញ​ពីរ​បី​កន្លែង​រស់នៅ​ជាមួយ​ប្រពន្ធ​កូន ហើយ​សព្វថ្ងៃ​កំពុង​បើក​ស្ថានីយ​ប្រេង​ធំ​មួយ​នៅ​តាខ្មៅ​ទៀត​ផង​»។
វត្ត​ទួល​រាជា ត្រូវ​បាន​កសាង​ជា​ប្រាសាទ​ធំ​ និង​ព្រះ​ដ៏​ធំ​ខ្ពស់​ស្កឹម​ស្កៃ​  ក្រោម​ស្នាដៃ​របស់​ ធាន វុទ្ធី ដែល​អះ​អាង​ថា ខ្លួន​ជា​ព្រះ​សិអារ្យ​មេត្រិយ។
វត្ត​ទួល​រាជា ត្រូវ​បាន​កសាង​ជា​ប្រាសាទ​ធំ​ និង​ព្រះ​ដ៏​ធំ​ខ្ពស់​ស្កឹម​ស្កៃ​ ក្រោម​ស្នាដៃ​របស់​ ធាន វុទ្ធី ដែល​អះ​អាង​ថា ខ្លួន​ជា​ព្រះ​សិអារ្យ​មេត្រិយ។ ហុង មិនា
យ៉ាងណា​មិន​ទទួល​បាន​ការ​បកស្រាយ​បញ្ជាក់​ពី​សាច់ញាតិ លោក ធាន វុទ្ធី នេះ​ទេ ខណៈ​តំណាង​កម្ពុជា​ចុងសប្តាហ៍ ព្យាយាម​សុំ​ការ​បំភ្លឺ​ពី​ម្តាយ​លោក ធាន វុទ្ធី ដែល​មាន​ឈ្មោះ យាយ វណ្ណ នោះ មាន​អ្នក​មក​កាង និង​ហាម​មិន​ឲ្យ​យាយ វណ្ណ ធ្វើ​បទសម្ភាស​អ្វី​ទាំងអស់​ពី​រឿង​នេះ​។
បុរស​មាឌ​ធំ​ខ្មៅ​ជិះ​ម៉ូតូ​ស៊េរី​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៤ បាន​និយាយ​ដោយ​ពាក្យ​គំរោះគំរើយ​ថា៖​«កន្លែង​នេះ​មិនមែន​ជា​កន្លែង​សួរនាំ​ទេ ចង់​ដឹង​ស្អី​ទៅ​សួរ​គេ​ទៅ គាត់ (ម្តាយ​ធាន វុទ្ធី) មនុស្ស​ចាស់​មិន​ដឹង​អី​ទេ​»។
រំឭក​ពី​ការ​ធ្វើ​បុណ្យ អ្នក​ស្រុក​ប្រាប់​ថា៖​«ដ្បិត​ថា ធាន វុទ្ធី ល្បី​អ្នក​មាន​បុណ្យ ចូលចិត្ត​កសាង​ព្រះធំៗ ប៉ុន្តែ​លោក​មិន​ដែល​ថ្វាយ​បង្គំ​ព្រះសង្ឃ​ទេ ហើយ​ពេល​គេ​រៀបចំ​បុណ្យ​អ្វី​នោះ មក​តែ​ពេល​ចប់​បុណ្យ​ទេ មក​នេះ​គឺ មក​យក​តែ​លុយ​ឡើង​ឡាន​ទៅវិញ​ភ្លាម។ ជីវិត​គេ​អាថ៌កំបាំង​ណាស់»។
ក្នុង​អារម្មណ៍​ដែល​មិន​ភ្លេច​លក្ខខណ្ឌ​មិន​បញ្ចេញ​ឈ្មោះ ស្រ្តី​ដដែល បាន​ប្រាប់​ទៀត​ថា៖​«អ្នកស្រុក​ភូមិ​ចំប៉ា​នេះ គ្មាន​នរណា​គេ​ហ៊ាន​និយាយ​ទេ គេ​ខ្លាច​ណាស់ បើ​ទោះ​ជា​ឃើញ​ថា ទង្វើ​នោះ​គេ​ធ្វើ​មិន​ត្រឹម​ត្រូវ​ក៏ដោយ។ នរណា​គេ​ទៅ​ហ៊ាន​និយាយ​ទៅ បើ​ល្បី​ថា ធាន វុទ្ធី មាន​ខ្នង​បង្អែក​ជា​អ្នក​ធំ​នៅក្នុង​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ឯណោះ​នោះ»។

Banteay Chhmar Restoration Project Underway ​ការជួសជុលប្រាសាទ​បន្ទាយឆ្មារ

Man Claiming to Be Buddha Under Pressure to Explain Himself [Thean Vuthy is not "god", but a fraudster and a scammer] ចំណាត់​ការ​លើ​បុគ្គល​ធាន វុទ្ធី ពី​ក្រសួង​ធម្មការ និង​គណៈ​សង្ឃ​នាយក

The Minister of Cults and Religion was seen in a video standing next to Thean Vuthy greeting Mr. Hun Sen disembarking from his helicopter, so it means both the minister and Hun Sen was also a follower of this "fake god".
ធាន វុទ្ធី ៦១០
Image of Thean Vuthy, in white, was flanked by, and put higher than, the Buddha's images. រូប​លោក ធាន វុទ្ធី ដែល​គេ​ឌីហ្សាញ​ជា​ព្រះសិរអារ្យ​មេត្រីយ៍ ហើយ​ដាក់​លក់​នៅ​វត្ត​ទួល​ព្រះរាជា។

BY  | the cambodia daily, AUGUST 2, 2014
A man purporting to be the fifth reincarnation of Buddha is coming under increasing pressure after his activities drew the attention of authorities, who have asked him to explain himself.
Thean Vuthy, who has built a pagoda in Kandal province’s Koh Thom district, claims to be a Buddhist “god.”
He has apparently accepted money from followers—attracted from as far away as Thailand—who believe he has divine power.
Ministry of Cults and Religion spokesman Seng Somony said Mr. Vuthy, who has been known to sit where Buddha’s statue would normally be situated in a pagoda, has been asked to shed light on his activities.
It follows a raid on the Tuol Reachea pagoda on Sunday, where ministry staff seized religious items that were on sale, including photographs and videos.
Mr. Somony said Mr. Vuthy first ordained priests as far back as 1992 and has been given multiple warnings by the ministry, but this was the first time they had been made aware that he had elevated himself to the status of a god.
“He did wrong by using religion to cheat people [and] he also broke the religious code when he sat on the throne and allowed people to pay him their respects, but we can’t punish him like a suspect,” he said.

Mr. Ken and Mrs. Soriya from America provided $1,000 to land grab victims staying Samakki Raingsey Pagoda លោក ពូ កេន និងអ្នកមីង សូរិយា រស់នៅទីក្រុង Houston, Texas, U.S.A បានផ្តល់ថវិកាបាន ១០០០ ដុល្លារ ជួយជនរងគ្រោះមកពីខេត្តក្រចេៈ ដែលកំពុងស្នាក់នៅវត្តសាមគ្គី រង្សី




Overseas Khmers funded the construction of a school in Lorpeang village, Kampong Chhnang province បងប្អូនខ្មែរក្រៅប្រទេស ផ្តល់មូលនិធិសង់សាលា១ខ្នង ជូនអ្នកភូមិឡពាង




NGOs offer own reform package NGO ផ្សាយ​សំណើ​ច្បាប់​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ថ្មី​

http://www.postkhmer.com/sites/default/files/styles/full-screen_watermarked/public/field/image/NGO.jpg?itok=l0ZwbOEK
សម្ព័ន្ធ​អង្គការ​មិន​មែន​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ធ្វើ​សន្និសីទ​កាសែត​កាល​ពី​ម្សិល​មិញ។ ហុង មិនា
Fri, 1 August 2014
The Phnom Penh Post
A coalition of NGOs yesterday issued proposed drafts of a new constitutional amendment governing the National Election Committee, with one signatory saying the drafts, if implemented, would establish a “minimum” threshold of independence and transparency in the Kingdom’s electoral process.
Speaking for the Electoral Reform Alliance (ERA) – comprising 11 watchdog organisations – Comfrel executive director Koul Panha told the press and observers yesterday the recommendations and an accompanying open letter were “specifically for both political parties”.
“It’s to improve the implementation of the agreement, corresponding to democratic principles, and principles of the independence of the election body,” Panha – himself on the shortlist for one of the four opposition-controlled seats on the committee – said later, after acknowledging the political agreement’s flaws.
“This is the minimum [bar for what] needs to be improved for fair elections in Cambodia.”
The draft amendment makes a number of stipulations, including that NEC members have parliamentary immunity, not be the spouse or relative of political leaders and not be members of a political party or the Royal Government.
And while it adheres to the political deal cut between the Cambodia National Rescue Party and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party – under which each party chooses four NEC members and the two jointly choose one independent “consensus” member – the amendment mentions neither by name. It also contains provisions that allow for the participation of multiple parties, should others join the assembly in the future.
Preap Kol, executive director of Transparency International Cambodia and a signatory to the ERA letter, said civil society had hoped for an agreement establishing a fully independent NEC, but the new arrangement was still an improvement.
“The [independent option] would be better, but I think the political situation in Cambodia is not ready for that,” he said. “I think that there need to be [changes] in the future . . . Here you have a formula devised by two parties, but in the future . . . if there are new parties, they’re not going to like that.”
One proposal voiced by the ERA, that the NEC candidates apply rather than be appointed, was independently taken up by the CNRP yesterday.
Ex-CNRP lawmaker Kuoy Bunroeun – who gave up his seat for party president Sam Rainsy and who is considered the opposition’s first pick for the NEC – said the assembly’s secretariat should accept public applications, and representatives of each party would choose candidates from those applicants.
“Anyone can apply,” he said.
CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann said that his party had received the ERA recommendations, and that while it supported some – including the stipulation that NEC members could not be members of political parties – the party’s standing committee would be debating others, such as the injunction against politicians’ family members.

Cambodia Court Summons Opposition Politicians Over Park Clash

cambodia-kem-sokha-pp-court-july-2014.jpg
Kem Sokha in front of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court, July 25, 2014.
RFA
A court in Phnom Penh has summoned the deputy chief and seven lawmakers from the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) for questioning in connection with a violent clash last month which erupted when party supporters tried to force the reopening of Freedom Park in the capital.

Investigating judge Keo Mony issued a subpoena to the eight politicians as well as another party member on Thursday, ordering the nine to appear at an Aug. 11 hearing at the Phnom Penh Municipal Court.

CNRP deputy chief Kem Sokha, who was among those summoned, told RFA’s Khmer Service that the order amounted to a “political show,” saying he was not at the July 15 protest that left at least 40 injured following the clash between party supporters and security guards at the park.

The seven lawmakers and one party member had earlier been detained and charged with “insurrection” for their role in the protest.

They were released about a week later after a July 22 agreement between the CNRP and Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) that ended a year of political deadlock following disputed July 28, 2013 general elections.

CNRP President Sam Rainsy has said that their release was part of the deal.

Deputy opposition leader Kem Sokha and 7 opposition parliamentarians re-summoned to appear before Phnom Penh Court បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តCNRP៧រូប ត្រូវបានកោះហៅសាកសួរជាថ្មី​

ដោយ៖​ ស៊ុន ណារិន​ | ថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី1 សីហា 2014

លោកស្រី មូរ សុខហួរ បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាងរាស្រ្តគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ ដែលត្រូវបានតុលាការកោះហៅសាជាថ្មី
បេក្ខជន​ជាប់ឆ្នោត​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​CNRP ៧​រូប រួម​នឹង​អនុប្រធាន​គណបក្ស លោក កឹម សុខា ត្រូវ​បាន​កោះហៅ​សាកសួរ​ជាថ្មី ករណី​ហិង្សា​នៅក្បែរ​ទីលាន​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​។​
​ការកោះហៅ​នេះ ធ្វើឡើង​ស្របពេល​ដែល​គណបក្ស​នយោបាយ​ទាំងពីរ កំពុងតែ​ចរចា​លើ​កំណែទម្រង់​មួយចំនួន តាម​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​នយោបាយ​កាលពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២​ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៤​។ តែ​ភាគី​ទាំងពីរ កំពុងតែ​ខ្វែងគំនិត​ក្នុង​មួយ​ចំនួន​លើ​អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិ​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​សម្រាប់​សមាជិក​គជប​។​
​មន្ត្រី​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ និង​ជា​កូនស្រី​លោក កឹម សុខា សរសេរ​នៅលើ​ហ្វេ​សប៊ុក​ថា បេក្ខជន​ជាប់ឆ្នោត​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​CNRP ៧​រូប រួម​នឹង លោក កឹម សុខា ត្រូវបាន​តុលាការ​កោះហៅ ដើម្បី​សាកសួរ​។​
លោកស្រី មូរ សុខហួរ បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាងរាស្រ្ត ប្រាប់VODនៅរសៀលថ្ងៃសុក្រនេះថា លោកស្រី រួមនឹងបេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាង​រាស្រ្ត​៦រូបទៀត និងលោក អឿ ណារិទ្ធិ សកម្មជនគណបក្ស ក៏ត្រូវបានកោះហៅសាកសួរនៅថ្ងៃទី១១ខែសីហា វេលា​ម៉ោង​៨ព្រឹក។ លោកស្រីបន្តថា នេះមិនមែនជារឿងភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលទេ គឺតុលាការគ្រាន់តែដំណើរតាមនីតិវិធីប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ លោក​ស្រីថា នេះមិនមែនជារឿងដែលបណ្តាលមកពីការចរចាបច្ចុប្បន្ន​ខ្វែងគំនិតគ្នានោះទេ ហើយលោកស្រី ក៏មិន​គិតថាជារឿងគំរាមកំហែងដែរ។ ប៉ុន្តែលោកស្រីចាត់ទុកនេះជានីតិវិធីខុសតាំងពីដើមមក។
លោកស្រីបញ្ជាក់ទៀតថា មេធាវីរបស់លោកស្រី បានព្យាយាមសុំតុលាការមើលឯកសា​រមួយចំនួនកា​ល​ពីចុង​ខែកក្កដា តែតុលាការថានឹងអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យមើលនៅដើមខែសីហានេះ។
​ដីកា​កោះ ចុះហត្ថលេខា​ដោយ​ចៅក្រម​ស៊ើបសួរ លោក កែវ មុនី ថ្ងៃទី​៣១​ខែកក្កដា ឲ្យដឹងថា តុលាការ អញ្ជើញ​ឈ្មោះ​កឹម សុខា អាយុ​៦១​ឆ្នាំ ជា​អ្នកទទួលខុសត្រូវ​ក្នុងនាម​ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ​ឲ្យចូល​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូងថ្ង​ស​ទី​១១​ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៤ វេលា​ម៉ោង​១០​ព្រឹក​។ 

Friday, 1 August 2014

Kem Sokha summoned to court again over violent clash [Is Hun Sen negotiating on the one hand and pointing guns at the CNRP's heads on the other hand?]

Give our kids a better deal
PHNOM PENH (The Cambodia Herald) -- The Phnom Penh Municipal Court asked vice president of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) to reappear at the court on August 11st  over the violent clash last month. 


The subpoena was issued Thursday by a Phnom Penh investigating judge Keo Mony, and was obtained by the CNRP on the same day. 



Kem Sokha appeared at the court on July 25 in the name of CNRP's vice president. 



During the hearing, the judge asked Sokha where he was when the violent protest occurred at the Freedom Park, and he replied he was in Kampong Cham province, and later was allowed to leave the court.

Phnom Penh Court summons Kem Sokha and seven opposition lawmakers-elect and one activist តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​លោក កឹម សុខា និង​សមាជិក​៨​នាក់​ទៀត​ចូល​បំភ្លឺ​ជា​ថ្មី​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​១១​សីហា

កឹម សុខា ៦១០
លោក កឹម សុខា អនុប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះជាតិ នៅ​មុខ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ២៥ ខែ​កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៤។
RFA/Tin Zakariya
សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ បាន​កោះ​ហៅ​សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ចំនួន ៩​នាក់ ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន លោក កឹម សុខា ផង ឲ្យ​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ សីហា ខាង​មុខ សាកសួរ​អំពី​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ កក្កដា នោះ។
ការ​កោះ​ហៅ​នេះ អ្នក​ឃ្លាំ​មើល​ផ្នែក​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស និង​អ្នក​វិភាគ សម្ដែង​ការ​ភ្ញាក់​ផ្អើល នៅ​ពេល​គណបក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​ចរចា​ជា​កញ្ចប់ ដើម្បី​បញ្ចប់​ជម្លោះ​នយោបាយ និង​ដោះ​លែង​បេក្ខជន​តំណាង​រាស្ត្រ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ឲ្យ​នៅ​ក្រៅ​ឃុំ​វិញ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២ កក្កដា តែ​ឥឡូវ​បែរ​ជា​តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​សាកសួរ​វិញ ដែល​គេ​ចាត់​ទុក​ថា តុលាការ​ជា​ឧបករណ៍​របស់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ។
សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ចំនួន ៩​រូប ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន​ទាំង លោក កឹម សុខា ផង នឹង​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ សីហា តាម​ដីកា​កោះ​របស់​តុលាការ​ទាក់ទង និង​សំណុំ​រឿង​ចាស់ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ កក្កដា ចំពោះ​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​នៅ​ក្បែរ​ទីលាន​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។
ចៅក្រម​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ លោក កែវ មុនី ចេញ​ដីកា​កោះ​ហៅ លោក កឹម សុខា ជា​អ្នក​ទទួល​ខុស​ត្រូវ​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​មេ​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ឲ្យ​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ វេលា​ម៉ោង ១០​ព្រឹក ដើម្បី​សួរ​បញ្ជាក់​បន្ថែម​ក្នុង​នាម​ខ្លួន​ជា​មេ​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ។
លោក កឹម សុខា ចាត់​ទុក​ការ​កោះ​ហៅ​របស់​ចៅក្រម​នេះ​ជា​រឿង​នយោបាយ ពីព្រោះ​លោក​បញ្ជាក់​ថា កាល​ពី​លោក​ចូល​ខ្លួន​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​នោះ ចៅក្រម​សួរ​លោក​តែ​មួយ​សំណួរ​ទេ ហើយ​ក៏​ប្រាប់​ថា តុលាការ​បញ្ចប់​សំណុំ​រឿង​របស់​លោក ព្រោះ​លោក​គ្មាន​អ្វី​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​ទេ៖ «សំឡេង»។
ដោយ​ឡែក​បេក្ខជន​តំណាង​រាស្ត្រ​ជាប់​ឆ្នោត​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ៧​រូប និង​សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​នេះ​មួយ​រូប​ទៀត ក៏​ត្រូវ​តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​ទៅ​សាកសួរ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ កក្កដា ដែរ។

The two parties to jointly discuss about the draft amendment to the constitution បក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​នឹង​ពិភាក្សា​លើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​វិសោធន​កម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​រួម​គ្នា

ហ៊ុន សែន ៦១០
ថ្នាក់​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា ដឹក​នាំ​ដោយ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន (កណ្ដាល) ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ប្រជុំ​ចរចា​រវាង​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា និង​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ នា​រដ្ឋសភា កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៦ ខែ​កញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៣។
RFA/Mom Sophon
លោក​ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង និង​ជា​មន្ត្រី​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា បាន​ផ្ញើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​មក​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ​ហើយ អំពី​ការ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដែល​សំដៅ​ដល់​ការ​ដាក់​ស្ថាប័ន​រៀប​ចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជា​ស្ថាប័ន​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​នោះ។
មន្ត្រី​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ និង​ជា​ប្រធាន​ក្រុម​ការងារ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៣១ កក្កដា​នេះ លោក ស ខេង បាន​ផ្ញើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​មក​គណបក្ស សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ។ លោក​បញ្ជាក់​ថា​ក្រុម​ការងារ​គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ​នឹង​ជួប​គ្នា​នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១សី ហា ដើម្បី​ពិភាក្សា​គ្នា​អំពី​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ ក្នុង​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​នេះ​រួម​គ្នា។
នៅ​ក្នុង​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ ផ្ញើ​ទៅ​លោក ស ខេង កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៣០ កក្កដា នោះ គឺ​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ ចង់​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា ៧៦ និង​បង្កើត​ជំពូក​ទី ១៥​ថ្មី នៃ​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​អំពី​អង្គការ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត ក្នុង​នោះ​ទាមទារ​ឲ្យ​សមាជិក​កំពូល គ.ជ.ប មាន អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិ មាន​ថវិកា​ស្វ័យភាព​របស់​ខ្លួន​ជាដើម។
នៅ​ក្នុង​លិខិត​របស់​លោក ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង ឆ្លើយ​តប​ទៅ​លោក សម រង្ស៊ី ជា​ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ​នោះ គឺ​លោក​យោង​ទៅ​លើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២២កក្កដា ដែល​គណបក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​ធ្លាប់​បាន​ពិភាក្សា​គ្នា ហើយ​មិន​ត្រូវ​រ៉ូវ​គ្នា​នោះ។ នៅ​ក្នុង សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អំពី​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា​៧៦​នេះ មិន បាន​បញ្ជាក់​អំពី សមាជិក​គ.ជ.ប ដាក់​ឲ្យ​មាន​អភ័យ​ឯកសិទ្ធិ​នោះ​ឡើយ និង​មាន​ករណី​ជា​ច្រើន​ទៀត ដែល​ខុស​គ្នា។
ទោះ​បី​ជា​យ៉ាង​នេះ​ក្ដី លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង អះអាង​ថា លោក​មាន​ជំនឿ​ថា គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ​នឹង​មាន ចំណុច​រួម​ក្នុង​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​នេះ នៅ​ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ពិភាក្សា​នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ១សីហានេះ។ លោក​បន្ថែម​ថា លទ្ធផល​យ៉ាងណា​នោះ នឹង​រង់​ចាំ​មើល​ការ​ជួប​គ្នា​ជាក់ស្ដែង​ទៀត៕

Rainsy Sends Draft Constitution Chapter to Government


Sam Rainsy (L) shakes hand with Hun Sen as Sar Kheng looks on.

BY MECH DARA AND ALEX WILLEMYNS | AUGUST 1, 2014 

CNRP President Sam Rainsy has sought to circumvent the methodical “working groups” established to finalize the details of the deal struck with Prime Minister Hun Sen last week by sending his own draft reforms to the government for approval.
Mr. Hun Sen and Mr. Rainsy on July 22 forged a deal for the CNRP’s 55 lawmakers to end their boycott of the National Assembly in exchange for an overhaul of the election commission, which the opposition party accuses of helping to rig last year’s election.
Three working groups then began negotiating the final details of the deal’s reforms, but two of the three adjourned until today and Monday, leading to accusations from Mr. Rainsy that the ruling CPP was stalling his party’s swearing-in.
He said Thursday that in order to bypass the tardy groups, he had sent Interior Minister Sar Kheng his own draft of a new constitutional chapter that enshrines the financial autonomy of a new “election organization” and gives its members immunity from prosecution.
“The final technical commissions are too slow, so we have to use a different procedure. This is why we took the initiative to write directly and expose directly on the table what we—[CNRP Vice President] Kem Sokha—and I, propose,” Mr. Rainsy said.
“The ball is in the CPP’s court, because we are waiting for a final reply. If the CPP agrees to our latest proposal…the way is cleared for our going to the swearing-in ceremony.”
Mr. Kheng, speaking to reporters at a governance ceremony at the Phnom Penh Hotel Thursday morning, confirmed he received Mr. Rainsy’s draft chapter and was reviewing it.

Mu Sochua's message to supporters

Dear friends and compatriots,

No one would disagree that the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces should not be under Hun Sen. Not even the police forces. 

What is the situation we have to deal with: from dictatorship to democracy and rule of law.


Here is the fact:

I went to prison with other MPs. We face the army, the police, the hired security guards during the months of protests. We have seen and heard from these forces' mouths and through their eyes that they are not with Hun Sen. Our soldiers and police want change and they voted for change.

The police men who arrested us at Freedom Park and those who handcuffed us had tears in their eyes. The one who handcuffed me and interrogated me said with tears rolling down his cheeks: my conscience tells me that I am wrong. It hurts me to see you handcuffed but I must follow orders. We all have to follow orders or we risk being punished very severely.

In July 2013,, these forces voted for change. That is the first step. The next step is:  Pay them decently. Train them properly. Recognize those who deserve merits. This also goes to the civil servants.

In the deal, CNRP has the Anti-Corruption Commissions and 4 others. As chairs we can investigate cases, we can issue independent reports, we bring the voices of the people into the parliament, we move towards reforms of national institutions.

It is a slow process but this process will set the ground for democracy and for transition for power sharing and moving to new power when we will go to the next elections by avoiding bloodshed.

Wishing that Hun Sen go away silently and willingly at this point is only a wish, until we move strategically:

Set the rules for free and fair elections. We have come half way thru the agreement; set the rules for the Loyal Opposition to function inside the National Assembly. Mr. Sam Rainsy is now a representative of the people and Leader of the Loyal Opposition. We chair 5 Commissions in Parliament. They are in the social sectors, and the most heated issues concern social justice.

We need to think long-term gains and formulate our strategies according to a time frame. 

Rethinking Cambodia’s Reconciliation Process

Rethinking Cambodia’s Reconciliation Process
Image Credit: REUTERS/Stringer
There is much Cambodia can learn from the current crisis in Thailand about how political polarization can plunge the country into chaos. Despite the junta’s initiatives, politicians, scholars and the Thai public remain pessimistic about the chances of people of all political stripes living harmoniously under the one roof again.
Divisive politics are used by political parties around the world to advance their ambitions. It is a dangerous approach. If fragmentation becomes entrenched to the point where a majority of people can no longer tolerate differences in values, beliefs or opinions, restoring unity to the country becomes difficult, if not impossible.
Since the return of multiparty elections in 1993, Cambodia’s politics has been characterized by political deadlock. The one exception was the 2008 election, in which the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won a landslide victory. It normally takes months before the winning parties are able to hammer out a deal and end the usual postelection crisis. And politicians usually cite national reconciliation and unity as the main reason behind their decisions.
What is interesting about this reconciliation process is that it almost exclusively involves the political parties, with voters often left out of the talks. There may be good reason for this – after all, engaging too many people will delay the process or even make a deal impossible. But the downside of this process is that it is attracts widespread public scepticism. Every decision that the parties make comes under scrutiny. And if there is any sign that politicians will personally benefit from the deal, the whole reconciliation process is thrown into doubt.
This raises an important question as to whether the top-down approach is still relevant to Cambodia’s current political landscape. Of course, ending the deadlock remains essential, but it should be seen as the beginning of a long road to resolving the problem of political polarization. Politicians have to understand that simply reconciling their differences won’t necessarily bring their respective supporters together. In many cases, even if they are able to seal a deal, voters remain deeply suspicious of the opposing side.
The growing public discontent directed at Cambodia’s political parties clearly reflects this view. To achieve true reconciliation, then, the process must be extended to include everyone, regardless of political affiliation. This does not necessarily suggest that the public needs to be involved in every step of the deadlock negotiation, but Cambodians should have more say in deciding the future direction of the country.
This is no easy task. The parties need to go beyond their narrow definition of political reconciliation and embrace a long-term, nationwide solution. The most urgent task for the government right now is to rebuild public trust in political institutions, which is worryingly lacking in Cambodia. Violence will ensue if people no longer believe that they can solve their problems through formal political channels.
The latest bloody clash between riot police and opposition supporters on July 15, 2014 was a stark reminder of why it is so important for the government to address the problem of the deficit of trust if it is to prevent the country from becoming more politically polarized. Political leaders must work together to reduce tensions instead of playing the blame game over who is responsible for this violent incident.

Give the deal a chance

Regarding the Phnom Penh Post article "Agreement a tough sell" published on July 24: It takes guts and wisdom for a leader to go sometimes against the tide of public opinion, especially that of his own supporters.
Here are a few examples:
• Charles de Gaulle in June 1940, when he called on the French to resist the German invasion while the majority followed Petain, who then struck a compromise with Hitler.

• Mitterrand in 1981, when he abolished the death penalty in France while the majority of the French people favoured capital punishment.
Here it took guts for Sam Rainsy to enter into a deal with Hun Sen, who has a history of harassing him.
After all, if the July 22, 2014, agreement is faithfully applied, the most important demand of the opposition – the overhaul of the National Election Committee – will be achieved and the next elections will be fair and acceptable to all parties.
It is not forbidden to hope that Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy will show mature statesmanship and travel together a portion of the road toward national reconciliation and Cambodian territorial integrity.
Chum Sirath
Phnom Penh

Cambodia and Western Fabrication of History

Propaganda and Punitive Invasions

personal communication mobile of Pol Pot,  at Anlong Veng at

Personal communication mobile of Pol Pot, at Anlong Veng.
by ANDRE VLTCHEK
Courtesy of CounterPunch.
As we enter the small city of Anlong Veng in the Dângrêk Mountains, located in the northwest of Cambodia, it begins to rain. The rain is powerful, but it is, after all a tropical rain, and it ends as unexpectedly as it begins.
We drive over the bridge, over some sort of dam, and suddenly, there is a beautiful but eerie lake in front of us.
“Just few years ago, this was the last stronghold of Khmer Rouge”, explained my friend, Song Heang. “Then, it was impossible to drive here just like that. There were no houses around. And the lake was like a swamp, impossible to cross.”
We drove all the way here, to visit the compound of the last military leaders of the Khmer Rouge, Ta Mok, the military chief, known as “Brother Number Five” or “the Butcher”. This is where he lived and this is where he commanded his troops from.
Ta Mok, the right hand of Pol Pot. Ta Mok, who split the movement, put Pol Pot under house arrest and most likely poisoned him. Ta Mok who commanded the army of several thousand Khmer Rouge loyalists, between 1979, when the Vietnamese forces ousted his movement from power, until 1999, when he was captured by government forces. Ta Mok died in custody in 2006, without ever being properly tried, or sentenced.
Ta Mok’s personal security man, his bodyguard who lived with him for years, San Reoung, is expecting us.
He is missing his left leg, and that is common among Cambodian civilians and combatants of his age. Ta Mok also lost one leg in the fighting.
There is actually only one thing that I want to know: how Communist was the Khmer Rouge, and was it the ideology, the Marxist ideology, that drew farmers to the ranks of the movement?
San Reoung thinks for a while, then replies, weighing each word:
“It was really not about the ideology… We did not know much about it. I was, for instance, very angry with the Americans. I became a soldier at the age of 17. And my friends were very angry, too. They joined Khmer Rouge to fight Americans, and especially the corruption of their puppet dictator Lon Nol, in Phnom Penh.”
Were people in the countryside aware of what was going on in the capital, before KR took power?
“Of course they were. The US gave so much support, so much money, to the corrupt Lon Nol regime. Everybody knew where it all went to: to countless lavish parties, to fancy prostitutes… The US bombed our countryside to the ground. Hundreds of thousands of people died. People went mad, they were indignant. And so many of them joined Khmer Rouge as a result.”
“Not because of Marxist ideology?” I asked again.

Little time left for aging Khmer Rouge to face justice


Former Khmer Rouge president Khieu Samphan, 83, sits in Cambodian court on Wednesday. He faces accusations relating to genocide and forced marriages. (Reuters)

TU THANH HA

When the Khmer Rouge took power in 1975 and started their violent bid to create an agrarian Communist utopia, thousands of Vietnamese still lived in Cambodia, had married ethnic Khmers and started families.
The Vietnamese parents were killed. So were their children, as well as children of mixed marriages whose mothers were Vietnamese. If the mother was Khmer, the children were spared.

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The reason some children were murdered and others not, according to witnesses who spoke to genocide investigators, was because the Khmer Rouge wanted to get rid of those who had shared the umbilical blood and drunk the breast milk of Vietnamese women.
Such twisted logic will be scrutinized in upcoming months with the start in Phnom Penh of Case 002/02, the second criminal trial of the highest-ranking surviving Khmer Rouge leaders.
The two cases deal with one of the most horrific episodes of the past century, a tragedy so sweeping that it depopulated Cambodia and left its traumatized survivors still struggling with its emotional toll. After years of wrangling over mandate and funding, a special tribunal of local and international judges started to hear evidence in 2009. Only one man has been convicted so far. The youngest of the defendants and some of the victims in the remaining cases are in their 80s, meaning that the opportunity to bring justice to Cambodia is fading.
This time the main defendants are Nuon Chea, 88 and the most senior surviving Khmer Rouge leader, and Khieu Samphan, who turned 83 this week. They face accusations relating to genocide, forced marriages, mistreatment of Buddhist monks and the brutal conditions at eight security centres and work sites. The trial began Wednesday.
The two men have already been on trial for two years on charges of crimes against humanity resulting from the forced resettlement of the population of the capital, Phnom Penh, and the mass executions of military prisoners.
“The new trial … is important on a symbolic level since it includes the charge of genocide. And historically, it encompasses a much broader range of events than did [the previous trial],” said Alex Hinton, director of Rutgers University’s Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights.
In the background, Prof. Hinton said, are concerns over whether the tribunal will proceed to trial with two more cases – known as Cases 003 and 004 – that deal with a lower tier of commanders. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is a former Khmer Rouge cadre, has repeatedly objected to further prosecutions.
The verdict in the previous trial, known as Case 002/01, is set to be handed down Aug. 7. Because of their poor health, the defendants sometimes fell asleep during that first trial even as victims were testifying about the horrors of the Khmer Rouge era.
“Assessing the whole spectrum of the charges in Case 002 remains unlikely due to the health and age-related concerns of the co-accused,” the tribunal’s Supreme Court Chamber acknowledged Tuesday in rejecting an appeal by Mr. Khieu.

Authority in Battambang protects Vietnamese who are digging for treasures under people's house សមត្ថកិច្ចការពារយួនឲ្យជីករកកំណប់នៅក្រោមផ្ទះប្រជាជននៅបាត់ដំបង!









Listen to this novice's great "smot" មិនមានអីនិយាយទេ សូមជួយស្តាប់ហើយ ចែកបន្តរផង បើគិតថាអ្នកពេញចិត្ត




A film about the Khmer Rouge conference in 1976


Miss Thy Sovantha visits land grab victims in Lorpeang village in Kampong Chhnang




Cambodia in 1937 សូមមើលអតីតកាលកម្ពុជាឆ្នាំ១៩៣៧ទំាងអស់គ្នា




Miss Thy Savantha visits a Vietnamese enclave in Kampong Chhnang province




The battle to control Ta Krabey temple between Cambodian and Thai troops សមរភូមិប្រយុទ្ធរវាងថៃនិងកម្ពុជា ថៃយកប្រាសាទតាក្របីធ្វើជាលានដ្ឋាន

Cambodian and Thai troops fought over the control of Ta Krabey temple in around 2011. Here, Thai soldiers are seen to be using the temple as their base in which to attack Cambodian troops.



Cambodian Defense Delegation Visits Thailand Amid Tensions

Earlier this week, Cambodia’s deputy prime minister and defense minister paid a visit to neighboring Thailand to strengthen military ties between the two countries. Thailand experienced a coup in May of this year that has left the country under the rule of a military junta, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha. The Cambodian delegation was led by Defense Minister General Tea Banh who met with a variety of Thai military leaders, including Supreme Commander Thanasak Patimaprakon and General Prayuth. The visit marks the first high-level military meeting between the two countries since the Thai military seized power in May. The visit takes place amid accusations from Thailand that Cambodia is harboring anti-junta activists.
According to The Cambodia Daily, the Cambodian delegation expressed its confidence in the leadership of the Thai military junta, stating that they believed that the military will bring “peace and order” to Thailand and that Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, “understands the situation in Thailand very well.” Banh told the Cambodian media that the two sides discussed military cooperation without providing details about what specific topics were discussed. The Cambodian delegation also raised the issue of migrant workers.

Daily CNRP TV's broadcast 31/7/14 កម្មវិធីព័ត៌មានប្រចាំថ្ងៃរបស់ទូរទស្សន៍សង្គ្រោះជាតិ