Hun Sen and his wife
By Prak Chan Thul
TUOL TACHEN,
Cambodia (Reuters) – After 28 years of rule by Hun Sen, Asia’s
longest-serving prime minister, the rallying cry for Cambodia’s
opposition ahead of next week’s election is obvious, and it appears to
be attracting an unprecedented number of voters.
“Change, change!” senior opposition politician Kem Sokha
shouted through a microphone to a crowd of several hundred villagers in
the southern province of Takeo. “July 28 is the day that we will end
this dictatorship regime.”
Kem Sokha’s prediction is far-fetched, even though the crowd of flip-flop clad farmers roared their approval.
Hun Sen, a charismatic former commander in the genocidal
Khmer Rouge, has built up a formidable electoral machinery through his
ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) that
easily outguns the opposition. Adding to his advantages are a compliant
media, the CPP’s deep pockets, and an election system that is prone to
government meddling.
Hun Sen, 60, is a master of cultivating patronage networks and alliances within the CPP.
The authoritarian leader has vowed to stay in power until his planned
retirement in his mid-70s, and appears intent on building a political
dynasty by promoting his three U.S. military-trained sons to top
positions in the CPP and the army.
Still, the newly unified opposition hopes to mount its strongest challenge to the CPP since democracy was fully restored in 1998.
Under Hun Sen, Cambodia has transformed from a war-torn
basket case into one of Southeast Asia’s fastest growing economies,
helped by a burgeoning garment export industry and growing political and
investment ties with regional power China.
But the breakneck economic growth has been accompanied by
a rise in social tensions over poor factory conditions and rural land
rights in the country of 14 million, where a third of people live on
less than 65 U.S. cents per day.
In rural areas, where more than 90 percent of Cambodians live and which are a backbone of CPP
support, there is growing anger over huge land concessions awarded to
foreign companies and which have benefited close political allies of Hun
Sen.
Om Vanthoeun, a 61-year old farmer who attended Kem
Sokha’s rally in the village of Tuol Tachen, said he was most concerned
about land grabs and what he said was an influx of immigrants from
neighbouring Vietnam.
“I just want change, even a little child wants change,”
said Om, who plans to vote for the opposition despite what he said was
intimidation by his local CPP candidate.
HUN SEN’S SONS
While there are no reliable national opinion polls, most political analysts believe the CPP
is on course to retain its majority but may lose ground from the 90
seats it currently holds in the 123-seat parliament. The two main
opposition parties joined forces last year and are expected to improve
on the combined 29 seats they won at the last elections in 2008.
The opposition received a morale boost on Friday when
opposition leader Sam Rainsy returned after four years in exile in
France. Sam Rainsy was given a royal pardon that removed the threat of a
jail term, amid mounting pressure from the United States and other
foreign donors to ensure the election is fair. Donors provide nearly
half of Cambodia’s budget.
On a visit to Phnom Penh last November, U.S. President
Barack Obama told Hun Sen he should make sure the election was free and
fair and pressed him to improve human rights, in what U.S. officials
described as a tense meeting.
Tens of thousands of cheering supporters met Sam Rainsy, a
former finance minister, who chose exile in 2009 rather than face trial
for what rights groups said were politically motivated charges.
Some analysts believe the opposition could win enough
seats to create political deadlock that would force Hun Sen into a
coalition government with Sam Rainsy. Most, however, see the CPP keeping a strong enough majority to rule alone.
“Sam Rainsy’s royal pardon was long expected and part of a
well-rehearsed government strategy to clamp down on the opposition
ahead of the polls, and then make last-minute targeted concessions to
appease foreign donors,” said Giulia Zino, Southeast Asia analyst at
Control Risks in Singapore.
“The CPP is almost certain to
secure a large parliamentary majority at the polls, ensuring broad
policy continuity and basic political stability for foreign investors.”
CPP lawmaker Sok Eysan denied that Hun Sen was favouring his sons by moving them into increasingly powerful positions.
“The party has a policy of promoting the role of youths,
including some who were educated in the West and locally. We take care
of everybody, youth is the next generation,” he said.
Hun Sen’s youngest son, 30-year-old Hun Many, is running
for parliament for the first time in this election. He is already the
deputy chief of cabinet and the head of a national student movement.
Second son, General Hun Manith, is the deputy head of Cambodia’s
Intelligence Unit.
The eldest, General Hun Manet, is Hun Sen’s favoured son,
who he has publicly suggested possesses divine powers. Hun Manet is a
deputy commander of Hun Sen’s personal bodyguard and head of the
National Counterterrorism Taskforce.
“They are like the old guard except they have more
education,” said Henri Locard, a French historian who teaches at the
Royal University of Phnom Penh. “If things continue as today, you will
never see the end of Hun Sen.”
(Writing by Stuart Grudgings; editing by Raju Gopalakrishnan)
1 comment:
Bun Rani face and appearance do not represent khmer woman. She does fit as youn vietcong prostitute. I feel sorry for whom ever choose her to be partner. So sad for the guy.
Post a Comment