The Wall Street Journal
By Chun Han Wong
As dozens of flag-waving
youths raced on motorcycles through Cambodia’s capital this week, their
rallying cries turned heads of curious onlookers.
“Change or no change? Change!” they shouted, sporting banners of the
main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party. “Victory or no victory?
Victory!”
- Reuters
- Supporters rally for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, president of the National Rescue Party, in Phnom Penh on July 19.
Such scenes, a nightly occurrence along Phnom Penh’s busy
thoroughfares, underscore the growing political vibrancy in this
impoverished Southeast Asian nation, which heads to the polls Sunday for
the fifth time since a United Nations-brokered ceasefire in 1991 ended
decades of civil war and genocide.
Electioneering has reached a fever pitch in the month-long campaign,
highlighted by enthusiastic youth-led rallies and spared the
assassinations and violent clashes that marred previous votes.
But analysts expect Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Cambodian People’s
Party to win a fresh five-year term by extending what critics call
unfair tactics—allegations that government officials have repeatedly
denied.
“The violence has decreased,” said Koul Panha, executive director of
the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia, an election
watchdog. But “there are still threats, intimidation, and interference
from the authorities.”
Last Saturday, an unidentified gunman shot at an opposition party
office in Phnom Penh, breaking a window but causing no injuries.
Opposition groups also reported in recent days minor skirmishes between
their supporters and ruling party activists.
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy condemned Saturday’s shooting, which
took place less than a day after he ended four years of self-imposed
exile in Paris. Nonetheless, the 64-year-old former finance minister,
who this month received a royal pardon for what he calls politically
motivated charges, acknowledged that the current campaign is less bloody
than past editions.
“The ruling party resorts less to political violence because they are
using more sophisticated means related to election manipulation to
cling onto power,” said Mr. Rainsy, who was welcomed by more than
100,000 supporters when he arrived last Friday.
Rights activists allege that 60-year-old Mr. Hun Sen—who has said he
would remain as prime minister till his mid-70s—of trying to curb
criticism of his government with restrictions on independent media and
Internet access and misusing state forces and public funds to bolster
his campaign.
“The fact that the Cambodian security forces act as a de facto wing
of the CPP has disastrous effects on human rights and democratic
processes,” Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in
a statement. “When security forces take sides in elections, voters feel
intimidated.”
The ruling party, which won 90 of 123 legislative seats in 2008, denied accusations of unscrupulous electioneering.
“We respect the rules set by the National Election Committee,” said
ruling party lawmaker Cheam Yeap, who chairs the parliamentary
commission on finance, economy, banking and auditing. “We want to win
with prestige, freely and fairly.”
The government, conscious of Cambodia’s steady but fragile economic
growth, is keen to avoid a “chaotic and violent electoral campaign,”
political analyst Chea Vannath said. “The CPP is getting politically
more mature in its efforts to retain confidence from foreign donors and
investors.”
Cambodia ranks among the world’s least-developed countries.
Despite economic growth in recent years, about 30% of its 14.5 million
people live below the poverty line. International aid provides roughly
half of the annual budget.
Another factor behind the ruling party’s subtler approach is
Cambodia’s young demographics, analysts say, as an increasingly urban
and better-educated electorate demands greater accountability and
transparency.
More than 70% of the population is below 35 years old, meaning youths make up the bulk of the 9.6 million eligible voters.
In its rural strongholds, the ruling party has been able to mobilize
truckloads of student activists to canvass votes. But urban youth,
particularly in Phnom Penh, are turning out heavily in rallies for the
Cambodia National Rescue Party, and the opposition shows greater
popularity in social media.
“Change from number four to what number?” the young opposition
supporters shouted on their nightly rides, referring to the ruling CPP
by its number on the ballot. “Change to number seven!”
–Sun Narin contributed to this post.
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