By Asian Correspondent
May 01, 2013
Mongolia appeared on the global radar in 2009, when news of its
massive copper deposits and untapped mineral wealth attracted
international investors in droves. The country suddenly went from being
a remote adventure destination to one described as “the next Qatar,” worthy of multi-million dollar deals.
Real estate boomed and inflation became epic at 20 percent.
In 2011, two years after President Elbegdorj, signed the ink on the Oyu
Tolgoi mining contract, which has been described as one of the largest
copper deposits globally, Mongolia earned the moniker of the fastest
growing economy in the world. This was followed by the less glamorous
rating of Ulaanbaatar being rated the second most polluted city in the world by the World Health Organization. Let’s not forget Mongolia’s status of having one of the highest rates of alcoholism internationally,
while being known as the “coldest capital in the world”. In short,
Mongolia is not an easy country to live in and perhaps it is for these
reasons and more that the country was given the honor of hosting the Community of Democracies (CoD) from 2011 to 2013.
While the main conference wrapped up on Monday, April 29, there was a
small closing event Tuesday with the parliament and civil society
members getting some coveted face time with democracy heroine and Nobel
Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi. “We want to know how she manages to
look so good at 68,” confided Member of Parliament and leader of the
Women’s Caucus L. Erdenechimeg.
Putting aside its recent democracy honor, how is Mongolia really doing?
The Brookings Institute published a doubtful analysis
by Nyamosor Tuya, former foreign minister of Mongolia, on the country’s
democratic evolution. She cited entrenched poverty consistently
hovering at 30 percent, in spite of the strong growth in the economy, as
an indicator of inequality. Tuya wrote, “It should be noted that the
latest poverty figure shows a decrease ― 29 percent in 2011 versus 39
percent in 2010 ― but it is yet to be determined if this is attributable
to government’s untargeted cash handouts of the past three years, or
whether it points to a trend”. The Mongolian government implemented a
broad-based cash handout scheme of 21,000 MNT (about US$15) to each
citizen every month, which ended in 2012. Though seemingly small, this
sum is significant in light of the 20 percent of its 3 million citizens who survive on US$1.25 a day.
In contrast to Tuya’s dark assessment, Julian Dierkes of the Institute of Asian Research praised Mongolia’s democracy as a non-violent phenomenon
that began shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, one that
outshone its other Central Asian neighbors. Dierkes sees Mongolia’s late
access to foreign investment as a benefit that allowed the political
framework of democracy to establish itself more firmly before mining
wealth altered its course.
Democracy expert Larry Diamond said in his keynote speech for the
April 28 CoD afternoon session that democracy must come from within, or
it is likely to fail. He explained the duty of democratic countries was
not to impose the ideology on transitioning countries but rather to
support them in their unique efforts towards it. Though he did not
specifically mention Mongolia, in this context the former Soviet
satellite country seems to make the grade as its elections came about by
popular consensus in 1992, just two years of the Soviet Union’s
collapse.
Diamond then went on call out Cambodia as an example of a non-viable democracy. Cambodia happens to parallel Mongolia
as 20-year-old democracy, as its elections began in 1993, though
installed by UNTAC rather than being brought about by Cambodians. For
2012, the Economic Intelligence Unit listed Cambodia as a “hybrid
regime,” occupying the space above “authoritarian,” while Mongolia
ranked as a “flawed democracy.”
When questioned in private about Cambodia’s democracy failures,
Diamond said this stemmed from “the international community letting
[Prime Minister] Hun Sen get away with murder—they didn’t stand up to
him.” Diamond explained that donors tend to go for stability and cited
“donor fatigue.”
According to German research group GTZ, Cambodia previously received
the bulk of its GDP from international aid but in recent years foreign direct investment (FDI) surpassed aid, a situation that gives donors even less bargaining power.
Mongolia was also known as a high foreign aid recipient, according to a local researcher,
but has been transitioning as well. U.S. Ambassador to Mongolia Piper
Anne Wind Campbell said though the U.S. had contributed half a billion
USD in development aid to the country in its first 25 years of
diplomatic relations, the relationship was now based on “trade ties”
rather than assistance, according to local media.
While the analysis of what makes a democracy viable or not appears to
be open to debate, debate itself was clearly accepted in Ulaanbaatar
during the CoD event. A protest broke out in front of the Government
House in support of former president and leader of the Mongolian
People’s Revolutionary Party, Enkhbayar, imprisoned on corruption
charges, which merely drew unarmed police to monitor the crowd. Yet
when Phnom Penh hosted the ASEAN Summit in November of 2012, housing
rights protestors were swiftly arrested and civil society meetings were blocked.
About the author
Michelle Tolson has contributed to Inter Press Service (IPS), the Global Post, Women’s Media Center, Women’s International Perspective, Women’s News Network, the UB Post of Mongol News Group and the Phnom Penh Post. She has also worked on research projects in New York City and Cambodia.
Michelle Tolson has contributed to Inter Press Service (IPS), the Global Post, Women’s Media Center, Women’s International Perspective, Women’s News Network, the UB Post of Mongol News Group and the Phnom Penh Post. She has also worked on research projects in New York City and Cambodia.
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