Cheam Yeap: a long suffering democrat finally coming out of his shell? |
Re: Cheam Yeap calls for 'clear and concise' oil and gas policies
by School of Vice
This would be a positive move if - and only if - Cheam Yeap
and his CPP colleagues are prepared to add flesh to his public statements.
Otherwise, it's just an old trick of a publicity stunt aimed at assuaging
national and international pressure to have better and greater transparency and
accountability in public asset management through legal regulations governing
all aspects of public financing and economic activities.
Cheam Yeap is not the first senior CPP official to come up
with this kind of reformist pledges. Sok An had made similar noises previously
about the need for reigning in on official corruption, and so had government
spokesmen at every annual donors meeting in the capital, and yes, sure enough,
it has been business as usual afterwards as far as the old steam train of
governmental corruption is concerned.
Cheam Yeap himself has not been occupying the office he is
in now without the absolute faith and reliance that his corrupt bosses have
placed in him unless he is confident that either those bosses have experienced
a u-turn or an epiphany whilst ‘on the road to Damascus’ - equivalent to being
struck by lightning! - or he himself is confident enough of his means of
defending his stance afterwards against their impending reprisals.
Personally, I seriously doubt that the kind of reforms and
utterances coming from Mr Yeap - which echo resolutions reached at many a civil
society seminar on how best to manage prospective oil revenue or any other
public revenue - will ever be given serious thought by the ruling administration
and its archaic old guard Politburo members, of whom Yeap himself is one. When
the oil starts flowing expect the revenue it generates to be siphoned off into
mysterious corporate and personal bank accounts; at any rate substantial chunks
of that revenue will be. The sort of structural reform adjustments required
here and as ostensibly identified by Yeap, if carried out, would likely be
confronted with obstacle on two formidable fronts. First, the initiative will
have to involve or be retroactively applied to the unaccounted for state assets
that had gone into the black hole of corruption and misappropriation at the
hands of high-ranking officials in the course of their three decades plus in power. This will require reformers to look
into past business deals, "economic concessions" and any other state
undertakings previously rubber stamped by the government or its organs without
having been put through exhaustive parliamentary processes or subjected to due
diligence; in other words, to transparency laws and standards. It is known, for
example, that vast swathes of state lands had been signed off as “Economic Land
Concessions” to foreign interests well in excess of the quota allowed under the
Constitution.
The ELCs – notwithstanding their allusions to economic
development and investment - constitute in reality a blank cheque for foreign
powers to come in and establish their long term [99 years!] demographic and
political roots well inside the interior of the country. Most of these ELC
zones are sealed off to local population or inhabitants who traditionally
relied upon having access to their local forests for food supplements, timber
for shelter, and dead tree branches for fuel as well as all other subsistence
needs. The ELCs, sometimes dubbed “countries within a country”, are well
defended by armed militias under the pay roll and direction of those foreign
owners who lease or own the areas under the terms of the concession agreement.
They could be more accurately translated as “Exclusive Land Colonies” with the
poise and character to permanently put down roots like a bamboo grove and keep
on expanding and branching organically until it will be impossible to dislodge.
It is a well worn tactic applied in the past to entangle, isolate and
strangulate the Cham and the Khmer Krom populations and to condemn them to
oblivion as a viable, distinct racial group and state entity.
Secondly, the reform would call into question policies and
practices of the reformers themselves. Transparency regulations must and need
to be applied across the board – there is no sense in restricting reform of
this nature to oil production alone. But then nothing makes any sense in this
arbitrary government without representation! Just look at the amount of state
budget that is being spent by the PM on his Body Guards [between three and four
thousands strong plus expensive military hardware like tanks, armoured vehicles
and small missile equipments etc.]. But, wait a minute, what budget? Precisely! And who approves of
such a large standing private style mercenary army who exist for the protection
of one man and his clans to the detriment of national defence and public social
needs in the first place? That’s correct; your guess is as good as mine!
One strongly suspects that this gesture of Mr Cheam Yeap may
have been made in light of the expected visit of the US President to the
country before the close of the year. It is always a good sign for both the
leader of the free world visiting a country with known poor human rights record
and the host country itself if the national and international media have
something wholesome or favourable to chew on even if it is just a window
dressing exercise with nothing in store beyond the window! It is almost
conceivable that someone behind the scene could have whispered in the Phnom
Penh regime’s ear or in the ear of one of the PM’s well-placed advisors: “Look,
old chap, you have to come up with something if you want the US President to
attend the ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh, what with your recent failed bid for
that non-permanent seat at the UN Security Council and that well publicised
open letter to Obama by the Leader of the Opposition. At least the President
can tell Congress and the American public he is coming to a country that is on
the mend!” You bet . . .
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