As Cambodians, diplomats, foreign governments,
the United Nations and others consider how to resolve claims that last
month’s elections were biased in favour of the ruling Cambodian People’s
Party (CPP), understanding what has happened in prior Cambodian
elections is critical.
Cambodia has been stuck in a political impasse as the Cambodia
National Rescue party, led by Sam Rainsy, refuses to accept the election
results which would see Prime Minister Hun Sen, already the world’s
fifth-longest serving leader, remain in power for another five years.
Many diplomats and officials from influential governments know little
about recent Cambodian history, leading some to issue meaningless
statements calling on all sides to respect the legal process, when the
ruling party has total control over the process.
Others have proposed policies that either have no chance at success
or, consciously or unconsciously, favour the status quo, such as calling
on ‘‘all parties’’ to avoid post-election violence when the CPP has
singularly used violence as a tactic in past election periods, or
suggesting that the opposition should use its large minority in a new
National Assembly to push for electoral and other reform — something the
CPP has never allowed over the past 20 years.
According to unofficial results, the CPP took 68 seats in the
election, while the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), led by Sam
Rainsy and Kem Sokha, won 55. Some have suggested that the number of
seats gained by the opposition is a new phenomenon and would create a new political reality in government and the National Assembly.
Yet, as explained below, the opposition won the election in 1993,
narrowly lost in 1998 (and probably would have won a free and fair
election) and closely contested the 2003 election (which was also not
free and fair). The one constant has been that no election in Cambodia
has been free and fair. Throughout, Prime Minister Hun Sen has made it
clear that he intends to remain in power indefinitely, no matter the
views of Cambodian voters. Will this year be any different?
Brokered and then signed by the world’s great powers, the 1991 Paris
Agreements ensured that elections returned to Cambodia in May 1993 after
more than two decades of war and the horrors of the Khmer Rouge regime.
From April 1975 to January 1979, the Khmer Rouge ruled the country,
then were expelled by the Vietnamese army. However, Vietnam then
remained as an occupying power for the next 10 years. The Vietnamese
Communist Party installed a client communist party which later became
the Cambodian People’s Party to run a one-party state. Basic freedoms
were nonexistent and human rights abuses rife.
Vietnam identified a young former Khmer Rouge regimental officer
named Hun Sen, making him the world’s youngest foreign minister at age
27 in 1979 and promoting him to prime minister in 1985.
China, the United States, Thailand and other countries made a
terrible situation worse by providing direct and indirect support to the
Khmer Rouge to fight a proxy war against Vietnam and its backer, the
Soviet Union, and by imposing a crippling economic embargo against
Cambodia.
The 1993 elections were designed to allow the world’s big powers to
extricate themselves from Cambodia. Through the United Nations
Transitional Authority in Cambodia (Untac), the UN was given the
responsibility to organise elections, which were held in May 1993.
Turnout was just under 90%. In a rebuke to the CPP, the opposition
royalist Funcinpec party won 58 seats with 45% of the vote, the
opposition Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party (BLDP) won 10 seats, and
the opposition Molinaka party won 1 seat. The CPP won 51 seats with just
38% of the vote.
The CPP lost despite election violence that killed more than 100
opposition party activists and candidates, a massive campaign of
intimidation, and the control of most domestic media, although the UN
had its own radio programming. Funcinpec and BLDP wanted to join
together in a coalition government, but after Hun Sen and his party
threatened secession of the seven eastern provinces and a return to
civil war, the UN and key governments capitulated and pressured the
opposition to cancel planned mass demonstrations in favour of the
election results and instead accept a coalition deal with the CPP, with a
view to reforming the system from within.
Funcinpec’s Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen were named as the world’s
first co-prime ministers. But the CPP kept control of the armed forces,
police, courts and National Assembly. In the ensuing years, the National
Assembly was unable to act without CPP approval, even to change its
internal rules, leaving Funcinpec as the winning party only in name.
The CPP then embarked on a successful effort to divide and rule
Funcinpec, driving wedges between Prince Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy, then
the Funcinpec finance minister, and between Funcinpec and the BLDP,
which protested the close relationship between Prince Ranariddh and Hun
Sen (something that Hun Sen may try again with opposition leaders Sam
Rainsy and Kem Sokha over the next five years).
1998 Elections
In 1997 Hun Sen staged a violent and bloody coup (over the objections
of many in his party, including Interior Minister Sar Kheng and the
chief of the army, Ke Kim Yan) against Prince Ranariddh and Funcinpec,
killing more than 100 and driving many opposition politicians into
exile. At the time of the coup, the combined opposition appeared likely
to win the 1998 elections. The UN, US, Japan and other governments
engineered the return of Prince Ranariddh from exile, but the coup
allowed the CPP to grab control of the newly formed National Election
Commission (NEC) and increase its domination of the media.
In the run-up to the July 1998 election, the CPP was accused of
engaging in political assassinations and intimidation of the opposition
on a widespread scale. After the vote, one NEC commissioner, appointed
by Funcinpec, demanded to recount ballots from Prey Veng province, where
observers claimed massive ballot stuffing, but was threatened at
gunpoint in the NEC offices. He went into hiding and no further efforts
were made to recount ballots.
On the day after the elections, the CPP-controlled Ministry of
Information mistakenly released ‘‘results’’ before any votes had been
counted, which were within one seat of the official results declared
later in the week by the NEC.
Official results released by the NEC, whose secretary-general was Im
Suosdey, the current chairman of the NEC, gave the CPP 64 seats on 41%
of the vote. Funcinpec was reduced to 43 seats, while the new Sam Rainsy
Party obtained 15, giving the CPP a slim 64-58 majority in parliament.
The opposition cried foul, staging massive, peaceful demonstrations.
The protests were so large that the government would have had to use
force to prevent them. Later, however, Hun Sen did precisely that,
sending security forces into Democracy Park in Phnom Penh to violently
disperse protesters.
With street protests quashed, the opposition attempted to use its
leverage by refusing to form a coalition government. At the time, the
constitution required a two-thirds majority to form a government. This
ended when the US told Prince Ranariddh in November 1998 that he would
again have to make a deal based on the NEC figures and work for
political change within parliament and a new coalition government, this
time with Funcinpec as a junior partner. In government Funcinpec had no
effective power, as all decisions were taken by Hun Sen and the CPP. The
Sam Rainsy Party remained in opposition.
Prince Ranariddh was made president of the National Assembly, and
both Funcinpec and the Sam Rainsy Party were given places on
parliamentary committees. But neither Prince Ranariddh nor opposition
members of parliament (MPs) had any power to overcome CPP objections and
move legislation through parliament or to hold the executive branch
accountable.
The European Union (EU) provided technical support to the NEC for the
1998 elections. It also sent a large official observer mission, but it
was conflicted by its close relationship with the NEC and unprepared to
deal with political violence and intimidation. The EU’s observation
mission was considered so faulty in Brussels that it was a catalyst for a
global overhaul of its observation techniques and standards so that it
would never repeat the mistakes it made in Cambodia. 2003 ELECTIONS
There was again another campaign of intimidation and violence, media
domination and voter manipulation. The NEC ignored all opposition
complaints and certified results that gave the CPP 73 seats (47% of the
vote), Funcinpec 26 seats (21%) and the Sam Rainsy Party 24 seats (22%).
The opposition refused to vote in a new government, as the twothirds
rule still applied, until the CPP agreed to a broad package of
fundamental reforms to make Cambodia’s political and electoral system
more democratic. It held out for 11 months before Funcinpec gave in and
agreed to a 60-40 division of ministerial positions and a much more
limited reform agenda.
This proved to be political suicide for Funcinpec, which has since
disappeared as a serious political force. All executive power remained
in the hands of Hun Sen and the CPP. While Funcinpec and SRP
participated in parliamentary committees, they still had no effective
power.
The EU officially observed the elections and said it fell short of
international standards because of CPP control of the election machinery
and media and disenfranchisement of large numbers of voters.
2008 Elections
The CPP held total control of the NEC, state media, state assets and a
huge election war chest. Electoral violence decreased, though
intimidation of voters continued to be a primary feature of the CPP’s
campaign. The NEC announced that the CPP won 90 seats with 58% of the
vote, while the SRP won 26 seats with 22% of the vote. Three other
parties took seven other seats. The EU again officially observed the
election and concluded that it did not meet international standards.
In 2006 the CPP super-majority in the National Assembly had amended
the constitution to require only a simple majority vote of members of
parliament to form a government, so Hun Sen and the CPP were able to
quickly form a government in 2008, this time without opposition
participation.
From 2008-2013 even the pretence that opposition parties could play a
significant role in parliament was abandoned by the CPP, as it kicked
opposition members off committees and limited their ability to raise
issues or engage in debates.
In June 2013 the CPP used its majority to remove all opposition MPs
from the National Assembly. Combined with control of the government and
courts, Hun Sen and the CPP had in effect recreated the one-party state
that the 1993 Untac elections were held to bring to an end.
The Paris Agreement successfully ushered in elections every five
years in Cambodia, but they did not usher in democracy. Few envisioned
that 20 years after Paris, Cambodia would be a de facto one-party state
or that one person, Hun Sen, would have centralised almost complete
control of all important decisions.
Indeed, after 28 years as prime minister, Hun Sen is now the world’s
fifthlongest serving leader, hardly a strong advertisement for pluralism
and democracy. The question facing influential countries such as the
US, UK, France, and Japan — and indeed Asean countries like Thailand and
Indonesia — is whether they will look on indifferently while Cambodians
are forced to accept what they would never accept for themselves.
2 comments:
We need to do more for Cambodia. CNRP or the Khmer people are calling for UN/US help enforce the election regulations but Obama is supporting Hun Sen; and we know that the US has never made the right decision. Once they carpet bombed Cambodia and after every election (1998,2003,2008) they support Hun Sen!!! Human rights do not exist in their view.
What did their ambassador Todd do last week? Visiting Cambodian muslims to celebrate the end of ramadan! Babbling about religious freedom when we have zero political freedom or freedom of speech.
What we Cambodians should do is call for Hun Sen to step down or otherwise will get a stick up his ass like Gaddafi!
ក្នុងរបបខ្មែរក្រហមទី១ កំចាត់ ប៉ុល ពត តែម្នាក់ ប្រជារាស្ត្រទូទាំងប្រទេស បានសប្បាយ រីករាយ រីកថ្លើម រីកប្រមាត់ បានមួយរយៈដ៏ខ្លី។ រួចក៏ធ្លាក់ចូលក្នុង របបខ្មែរក្រហមទី២ គឺរបប ហ៊ុន សែន រហូតដល់សព្វថ្ងៃ។ ប្រជារាស្ត្រ បាត់បង់សេរីភាព ខាងបញ្ចេញមតិ ស្ទើរឣស់រលីង។ ពេលខ្លះ ហ៊ុន សែន បណ្តោយឲ្យស្រែក ឲ្យបែកផែនដី ក៏ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើមិនឮ មិនឃើញ ដូច ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាប់លើកឡើងថា "ឆ្កែ(គឺរាស្ត្រខ្មែរ)ចេះតែព្រុស មនុស្ស(គឺគេ ហ៊ុន សែន)ចេះតែដើរ"។ ដូចករណី ឣ្នកក្រីក្រនៅបឹងកក់ នៅក្រោមចុងច្រមុះសោះ បើ ហ៊ុន សែន មើលពីលើ វិមានសន្តិភាពទៅ មិនបាច់កែវយឹត ក៏ឃើញបានដែរ តែ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើហី មិនឃើញ មិនឮ មិនដឹង។
ពួក ហ៊ុន សែន បង្ហុយបង្ហើរពាក្យថា បើចង់សុខ កុំនិយាយ ពីនយោបាយ និយាយពីស្រីស្រស់ ពីស្រាឆ្ងាញ់ ពីម្ហូបចំណីឆ្ងាញ់ វិញ នោះបានសុខហើយ។
រឿងពុករលួយគឺ មហាសែនពុករលួយ ពីភូមិឃុំ រហូតទៅដល់កំពូលចុងស្រួច។ រួបរួមគ្នា ឯកភាពគ្នា ពុករលួយគ្រប់ ជាន់ថ្នាក់។
រឿងខូចលួចបន្លំសន្លឹកឆ្នោត មហាសែនខូច លួចបន្លំសន្លឹកឆ្នោត ហើយលើកទ័ព មកគំរាម សម្លុតស្មារតី ថែមទៀត។ ចំជា មហាសែនខូច កំណាច ឃោរឃៅ មែន។
ក្នុងរបបខ្មែរក្រហមទី២ គឺរបប ហ៊ុន សែន នេះ បើកំចាត់ ហ៊ុន សែន តែម្នាក់ចេញ ប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរ ទូទាំងប្រទេស ប្រាកដជា បានសប្បាយ រីករាយ រីកថ្លើម រីកប្រមាត់ ឡើងវិញហើយ។
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