Phnom Penh Post
A track of land once farmed by 1,000 families in Kratie province —
families violently evicted amid claims they were part of a separatist
movement — is now home to a military base.
Unit 9 Royal Cambodian Armed Forces base, which will be finished
later this month, is part of a larger security-infrastructure scheme for
the area. The plans include a military police base, along with a road
suitable for moving supplies from the centre of Chhlong district to the
remote village of Pro Ma, provincial and military police officials
confirmed yesterday.
“The military base was set up because of our victory over this
area... the reason I’m here is just to control land won from the Bun
Ratha group,” Unit 9 deputy commander Khay Channa told the Post during a
visit to the area last week.
Nine months ago, joint forces stormed this isolated village and staged one of the largest mass evictions in recent history.
Although the villagers were without guns, officials opened fire, killing a 14-year-old girl in the process.
Authorities then sealed off the area for days while they interrogated
residents, before driving them as far afield as Kampong Thom province.
The government has vociferously and repeatedly defended its actions,
saying they were necessary to staunch a separatist movement led by a
local activist named Bun Ratha and Beehive radio owner Mam Sonando.
Such claims have been widely criticised by villagers and rights
groups, who insist there has been zero evidence to suggest such a
movement ever existed.
Regardless of the backlash, however, Sonando was sentenced to 20
years in prison; three villagers were sentenced to between 10 months and
five years; and Ratha was sentenced to 30 years in absentia.
Because Ratha remains at large, a perpetual military presence is necessary, officials say.
“We’re afraid Bun Ratha will come back here, which is why they set up
the base. His followers, however, have stayed away,” said deputy
commander Channa.
The base, which has been provisionally set up since the May 2012 raid, is expected to be completed at the end of this month.
Though small – just 30 soldiers are based on a 200-by-200-metre plot – it is part of a co-ordinated effort to protect the area.
“The army is constructing a road from Chhlong to here,” said Channa.
“Seven kilometres from here, the military police plan to do the same
thing and build a base. They have started clearing the trees. I’m not
sure how large it will be.”
Though sparing with details, National Military Police spokesman Kheng
Tito yesterday confirmed the account, saying the planned base was
necessary to maintain security in the area.
“The reason the military police want to set up a base here is to keep
that place in order. All the area that has been cleared already has to
be kept in order. It’s just temporary, not permanent. And later, it will
be up to the government if they want to put a more permanent base.”
Inside Unit Nine
Sparse and muted, the incomplete base is not much to look at. On a
recent visit, soldiers dozed beneath a pair of spare, half-finished wood
houses. Save for an open-air hall sporting a freshly painted RCAF logo,
the rest of the structures occupying the land are little more than
tarpaulin tents.
“There is not enough food and not enough water for the soldiers,”
said Channa, who admitted that “everything is quiet... and there is not
much work to do here.”
But what the area lacks in resources, it more than makes up for in land.
Located adjacent to a 15,000-hectare rubber plantation – which since
2008 has been owned by concessionaire Casotim – this land had been
locked in an increasingly tense dispute. Just one month before the raid,
700 villagers from the area staged a protest – blocking a national road
for days in support of an outspoken village representative who had been
arrested on accusations of destroying company property.
A provincial judge later ordered his release, noting that there was
no evidence to support allegations against that representative, Bun
Ratha.
The base occupies prime cassava field, which is just now yielding the
harvest sown last year by the so-called secessionists. While Deputy
Commander Channa said the base covers two hectares, and Provincial
Governor Sar Cham Rong said it covers one hectare, the territory closed
off to villagers is clearly far larger.
Blocked off to those who did the planting, the land will soon be
distributed amongst the soldiers living at camp, according to Channa.
“High-level officers are now figuring out how to divide the land
among soldiers for their families,” he said, before insisting the land
is currently off-limits to all.
“Even though some of the soldiers have recently faced a shortage of food, they do not touch the land.”
Such claims ring somewhat hollow. Strung along the 700-metre path
leading to the base lay half-harvested fields – the underbrush is
charred, dirt lies in clumps in spots where cassava had recently been
pulled.
According to the military, that land is being farmed by “old”
villagers – a distinction created by authorities who cleared out the
so-called secessionists, saying they were recently migrated squatters.
But the Post spoke with villagers who had been in Pro Ma for five,
six, seven and more years, and all said they were blocked from the area.
Indeed, in no uncertain terms, a sign posted just before the base
reads: “No Entry”.
“They threaten that if anyone goes in to the land, they will be
jailed for 15 years,” said Meas Sokthy. The 34-year-old Pro Ma resident
previously farmed land in what is now a military-occupied zone. Since
the raid, an atmosphere of fear pervades the village.
“Around 30 soldiers have been patrolling in separate areas. They are
very cruel,” she said. “One military police officer threatened to kill
me if I enter the area.”
“They don’t dare to pressure us in the village, but if a villager
tries to enter the area, they will threaten her,” echoed Phat Phin. For
Phin, the past year has been an especially arduous one. The mother of
five lost her land during the raid. Her husband, a farmer like the rest
of his neighbours, was arrested and branded a secessionist – sentenced
to 10 months for related charges.
Villagers in Pro Ma had high hopes that Prime Minister Hun Sen’s
land-titling program would see them awarded land to which they appear to
have legitimate claim; instead, they have seen the process closed to
them.
While some will receive titles on a planned social land concession,
according to Provincial Governor Cham Rong, that opportunity will be
closed off to “the former Bun Ratha group”.
“They cannot get land, because they never had houses on their land,” he said. “They were in that place illegally.”
To the former occupants’ minds, the explanation is far simpler.
“I’ve been farming there for seven years, but the students won’t come
measure the land, because the soldiers have taken over,” said Sokthy.
No Man’s Land
Part of the tragedy of Pro Ma is the seeming randomness of the edicts
that now govern the village. Those farming a mere 50 metres away from
the cordoned off area have been allowed to keep their land and keep
their homes. Some have been allowed back in to harvest their cassava,
others not.
The commander says he’s under strict orders to only let in “old” villagers. It’s unclear what that distinction is.
Mol Phat, 25, moved here six years before the raid with her husband,
father-in-law and brother-in-law. The couple borrowed money to set up a
farm inside what would wind up being deemed separatist land; the father
and son set their farm just metres down the road.
Since the raid, Phat has been allowed into the military zone exactly
once and never permitted access to her three hectares of land. To make
ends meet, Phat collects cassava for a neighbouring farmer on a plot
located within earshot of her own farm.
“I don’t know why some have gotten in and not others. My neighbour,
for instance, can’t get back to her farm either, but some others have,”
said Phat.
The fallout of the raid has proved challenging. Ducking into the
shade of the small wooden house she now shares with her father-in-law
and brother-in-law, Phat cautiously ticks off the problems she has since
faced.
“My husband grew quite angry after we lost the land. We have no farm,
no money, and we owed money on the land. So he fled to Thailand to find
another job,” said Phat. “He’s been gone around two months now, and I
haven’t heard from him since.”
Standing nearby, her 68-year-old father-in-law, Thanh Sambouk,
interjects. “I’m not sure about other people, but for my family, this
situation has caused real problems.”
To contact the reporter on this story: May Titthara at
titthara.may@phnompenhpost.com
Abby Seiff at
abby.seiff@phnompenhpost.com
2 comments:
This is a lesson to those disillusioned people who try to challenge the government. If you live on state land illegally, just be quiet. Why supporting the overseas troublemakers who can't help you now. That includes fringe groups like Sam Rainsy and co. Don't be stupid people. Safe your own butts. Why stick your neck out and for what? You are the first to suffer the consequences. Only you and your family and kids will suffer, don't try to be a hero if you don't want your families destroyed, while he's sitting in France drinking hot choco and look at porn with French booties.
They didn't challenge the government, they just protected their land from corrupt officials and businessmen.
Hun Sen government is a thief government and a dictatorial government that jailed and killed its own people for its powers. Hun Sen is the biggest traitor because he took land from poor Khmer to give to rich foreigners, like Vietnam and Vietnamese businessmen.
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