Published on Tuesday, 06 November 2012
The Malaya Business Insight
Written by BERNARD KARGANILLA
‘Sihanouk’s kingdom and its neighbor-nations have become a living laboratory where memory and justice are intertwined.’
THE Cambodian port city of Sihanoukville (where mercury exposure and
its poisonous consequences have been monitored by the World Health
Organization) is named after a royal personage.
He was Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, where “Nation, Religion, King”
has been a constitutional motto, and his passing (due to heart attack)
last October 15 concluded Pchum Ben (annual festival for the dead),
which is similar to Halloween and Undas.
Sihanouk was the Khmer king at age 18 in 1941 – the same year when
the imperialist Japanese rampaged in East Asia, thereby chaining the
Pacific War to the Second World War. And Sihanouk was the revered
King-Father when he died a few weeks shy of age 90 this Dragon Year of
2012.
Sihanouk, whose reign spanned WW2, the Cold War and the Third
Indochina War, is a study in accommodation, resistance, and especially
historical reconciliation, which are life-changing themes, considering
the black mark left by Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge in world history.
Sihanouk, whose nationalism helped link Buddhism to Khmer Communism,
lost children and grandchildren in the Cambodian version of the Reign of
Terror, c. 1975-1979.
Coverage of Sihanouk’s demise and the coincident 2012 East Asian
Conference of NGOs on History and Peace of October 17-19 gave us the
opportunity to visit the Tuol Sleng Prison Museum and to review the
tragedy of Khmer genocide and Oriental despotism.
Besides Sihanouk, the person symbolizing Khmer autocracy was Saloth
Sar, a student of radio mechanics in Paris in the 1950s, whose social
experiments with Political Potential turned him into the arch-villain
known as Pol Pot. As a survivor of Sihanouk’s purge of the Left in 1962
and as chieftain of the triumphant Red Khmers in 1975, Saloth Sar
originated a Cambodian hybrid of Russian Narodism and the French
Revolutionary Committee of Public Safety.
This Saloth Sar/Pol Pot persona apparently wanted to re-invent Khmer
society from scratch, privileging the rural and penalizing the urban.
His Cambodian “killing fields” began as an emergency measure to “save”
Phnom Penh from war-induced famine and ended as a simplistic scheme to
reverse metropolitanization. “During the Khmer Rouge regime (1975–1979)
urbanization in Cambodia totally stopped. Instead, an agrarian state was
introduced in which the urban populations were forcefully evicted to
rural areas. Urban areas were left to die and be destroyed by nature and
neglect. Cities were considered by the Khmer Rouge regime as the symbol
of capitalism, which was against the so-called revolution.” [Beng Hong
Socheat Khemro, “Cambodia,” Urbanization and Sustainability in Asia]
Saloth Sar’s failed Narodnik extrapolations and the intensity of the
class/civil/ethnic and anti-colonial war may explain the severity of the
situation and the scale of casualties, but will not account for the
brutality of the Khmer Rouge jailers toward their own captive comrades
and the hapless civilians. Consider the following facts:
It was the odor of decayed flesh that led the Vietnamese troops into
discovering the Khmer Rouge regime’s highest level security center
(code-named “S-21”) where jailers consisting of 10-year-old boys and
hot-blooded twenty-somethings tortured to death their fellow peasants
and ordinary Cambodian citizens.
This barb-wired former school compound became the execution ground of
14,000 Khmers who were accused of betraying the Angkar (Khmer Rouge
term for its own leadership as well as the Communist Party of Kampuchea)
by purportedly collaborating with either the American CIA or the Soviet
KGB.
The unfortunate prisoner was lashed and/or electrocuted into
“revealing” (or inventing) a “string of traitors” that would amount to
as high as 100 names.
The tortured prisoner was not allowed to even cry in pain.
This secret torture chamber, S-21 but better known now as Tuol Sleng
Prison, was only one of the 196 Khmer Rouge death camps, and it
encapsulates the “microcosm of the terror, paranoia and brutality” of
the CPK from April 17, 1975 to January 6, 1979.
The high number of killed and the low number of survivors in S-21
make Tuol Sleng Prison as “one of the most lethal in the 20th century.”
The Cambodian killing field (which was made famous by Hollywood) was
Boeung Choeung Ek, 15 kilometers from S-21, where the execution team of
Teng and his nine teenagers disposed the inmates of Tuol Sleng.
Many Cambodians ordinarily hold grudges but keep animosities hidden
from public view. But when the opportunity arises, the grudge-keeper
harms the unknowing offender, using assassins or even so-called
sorcerers. This may have been a factor in the Khmer Rouge torture-prison
system.
Detainees at S-21 like Bou Meng and Vann Nath ate their prison meals next to corpses.
Children like Norng Chan Pal accompanied their parents into the atrocious Tuol Sleng.
Tuol Sleng is now a Genocide Museum and the Documentation Center of
Cambodia perseveres in its mission of researching the Khmer Rouge era.
DC-Cam produces fact sheets like “Pol Pot and his Prisoners at Secret
Prison S-21,” which is the source for this article.
The Cambodian experience with genocide should be instructive to the
rest of the world, especially Southeast Asia where the 10 Asean
member-states are supposed to merge into a single regional community by
2015. Sihanouk’s kingdom and its neighbor-nations have become a living
laboratory where memory and justice are intertwined.
1 comment:
Sihanouk on Khmer Rouge
"Cambodia will become Communist, and it is only right
that it become Communist, because the revolution that the
Khmer Rouge have made in the liberated areas has
succeeded. I was convinced of this by seeing it with my
own eyes. The Khmer Rouge are serious people. They know
how to build up a country and they have done things that I
never succeeded in doing. . . .
"in the liberatd areas, they no longer lack anything:
neither meat nor vegetables, fruit, rice, clothes. Despite the
war, rice production has doubled. When I was head of the
state, they produced a ton and a half per hectare. Now it is
two and a half tons per hectare. Or three. Products are good
and prices are low. . . . And when one sees such results, one
must admit that those who have obtained them have the
right to govern the country. . . . It is quite right that I
should congratulate the Cambodian Communists and tell
them: You are fine people. You deserve to stay in power
forever and nobody should push you out. Not even
Sihanouk. Sihanauk should no longer rule instead of you
because he has not succeeded in doing what you have done.
He wanted to, he dreamed of doing it; but he was not able
to accomplish it. Besides, Sihanouk does not count. What
counts is Cambodia. So, even if one day you may throw
him out, he will think as he does now. Yes, because he is
bizarre. But he is not dishonest; and he is not a fool."
Prince Norodom Sihanouk, quoted in New York Times
Magazine, August 12, 1973
សម្រាប់ជាឯកសារប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រប៉ុណ្ណោះ
កពឈស
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