July 23, 2012
The Diplomat
ASEAN must continue to remain a strong force for
regional ties in the Asia-Pacific and avoid short-sighted attempts to
undermine the bloc's unity or exploit divisions.
Questions are still being asked about ASEAN's unprecedented failure
to issue a joint communiqué for the first time in its 45-year history
at Phnom Penh earlier this month due to disagreements over the South
China Sea. Regardless of what transpired at the meeting, it was an
embarrassing moment for ASEAN and it raises questions about the ability
of the organization to preserve its autonomy and centrality amidst great powers
with the potential to dominate the region. If the grouping needs to do
some "soul searching" over the next few months, as ASEAN Secretary
General Surin Pitsuwan put it, where should it start?
A logical start should be to try to make some progress on the South China Sea (SCS), since events at Phnom Penh illustrated that intra-ASEAN divisions on the issue can clearly tarnish the organization's image.
As a first step, the four ASEAN claimants- the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei, and Malaysia- should aim to clarify and codify their various South China Sea (SCS) claims in order to present a more unified front to China, as others have advised. Beijing has a proven record of exploiting ambiguity to make contradictory claims in the SCS, some of which have very little basis in international law.
If ASEAN countries make their claims explicit by codifying them in domestic legislation and multilateral frameworks in accordance with international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), they can sort out areas where disputes are particularly intractable and aspects where their opinions converge. The ball would then be in China's court to clarify the basis for its own claims. As of now, ambiguity on the SCS only allows Beijing to make dubious claims while simultaneously exposing divisions within ASEAN. While ASEAN should continue efforts toward a code of conduct with China, there is no substitute for clarity on this question.
Secondly and more broadly, ASEAN as a grouping should redouble efforts to preserve its centrality and cohesion. The organization is receiving greater international scrutiny these days and it will continue to grapple with tough issues like the SCS in the future. Yet at the same time, much like Cambodia in 2012, the next few years will see ASEAN chaired by smaller or less-developed states (Brunei in 2013, Burma in 2014, Laos in 2016). While these countries are capable in their own right, they may not have the same capacity to drive regional integration or tackle contentious disputes as an Indonesia or Singapore. And while Southeast Asia has other great leaders, it will be difficult to sustain the decade of vigorous and dynamic leadership ASEAN has enjoyed under Secretary Generals Ong Keng Yeong (2004-2008) and Surin Pitsuwan (2008-2012).
A logical start should be to try to make some progress on the South China Sea (SCS), since events at Phnom Penh illustrated that intra-ASEAN divisions on the issue can clearly tarnish the organization's image.
As a first step, the four ASEAN claimants- the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei, and Malaysia- should aim to clarify and codify their various South China Sea (SCS) claims in order to present a more unified front to China, as others have advised. Beijing has a proven record of exploiting ambiguity to make contradictory claims in the SCS, some of which have very little basis in international law.
If ASEAN countries make their claims explicit by codifying them in domestic legislation and multilateral frameworks in accordance with international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), they can sort out areas where disputes are particularly intractable and aspects where their opinions converge. The ball would then be in China's court to clarify the basis for its own claims. As of now, ambiguity on the SCS only allows Beijing to make dubious claims while simultaneously exposing divisions within ASEAN. While ASEAN should continue efforts toward a code of conduct with China, there is no substitute for clarity on this question.
Secondly and more broadly, ASEAN as a grouping should redouble efforts to preserve its centrality and cohesion. The organization is receiving greater international scrutiny these days and it will continue to grapple with tough issues like the SCS in the future. Yet at the same time, much like Cambodia in 2012, the next few years will see ASEAN chaired by smaller or less-developed states (Brunei in 2013, Burma in 2014, Laos in 2016). While these countries are capable in their own right, they may not have the same capacity to drive regional integration or tackle contentious disputes as an Indonesia or Singapore. And while Southeast Asia has other great leaders, it will be difficult to sustain the decade of vigorous and dynamic leadership ASEAN has enjoyed under Secretary Generals Ong Keng Yeong (2004-2008) and Surin Pitsuwan (2008-2012).
Confronting this challenge will require greater efforts on various fronts. For one, ASEAN must move faster on its goal of creating an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015, given that the bloc is behind
on several aspects of that initiative. Greater regional cohesion
creates a stronger collective identity among all members of the
organization and strengthens economic linkages between them, both of
which will incentivize putting ASEAN first. But if states choose to
“keep to themselves,” as Pitsuwan told the Myanmar Times
earlier this year that will only hold ASEAN back. Repeats of Phnom Penh
could also be avoided by agreeing on innovative ways to express
legitimate disagreements, which will require flexibility from both the
chair and other ASEAN countries. And if future crises do occur, solving
them may require ASEAN’s older members to demonstrate leadership and
innovation, like Indonesian foreign minister Marty Natalegawa's “shuttle
diplomacy”' that led to the organization's six-point principle agreement on Friday.
Outside actors like the
United States and China should continue to support a strong and united
ASEAN. Despite its shortcomings, the organization remains the best hub
around which to structure a regional architecture that will socialize
actors into a set of acceptable norms and behaviors, and guide Asia
towards a prosperous and peaceful future. Equally important, they should also resist
short-sighted attempts to undermine the bloc's unity or exploit its
divisions, since they will only undermine this shared goal and leave
themselves increasingly isolated in a more integrated world.
Prashanth Parameswaran is a PhD candidate in international relations at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a non-resident WSD-Handa fellow at CSIS Pacific Forum. You can read his blog The Asianist at and follow him on Twitter at @TheAsianist
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