Relations are more complicated following the outbreak of the Cambodian-Vietnamese war. The Khmer Rouge regime founded Democratic Kampuchea in 1975, even though its core ideology was rigidly communist. The Khmer Rouge reign characterised the tragic era of Cambodian history in which up to 3 million might have been killed under the leadership of Pol Pot. Only after Vietnam Liberation of Cambodia in 1978 did the genocide stop. Thailand went ahead with establishing its diplomatic relations with China in 1975. It hoped that the détente with China and the support given to the Khmer Rouge would contain the military advancement of communist Vietnam in the region. The Khmer Rouge survived their expulsion from Cambodia due to a steady supply of arms from China, delivered to the Khmer Rouge by the Thai forces who wanted a buffer against the Vietnamese. In the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand exploited its position as a frontline state Face-to-face the communist threat while successfully Aseanising its anti-Vietnam policy.
The redemption
Supalak Ganjanakhundee points out that it is the first time in modern history that a Cambodian leader openly plays internal Thai politics. Normally, it has been the Thai side that influenced Cambodian domestic politics. In the past, Thailand supported the Cambodian opposition to destabilise the regime in Phnom Penh. PM Hun Sen himself had gained first hand experience as Thailand backed the Khmer Rouge and the coalition against him in the 1980s. Many of his political enemies sought refuge in Thailand. Supalak said, PM Hun Sen probably thinks now is the time to pay back.Charnvit added that during the Cambodian conflict, Thailand supported the Khmer Rouge. But now,PM Hun Sen is doing the same thing by supporting the Thai Rouge (the red-shirts).From this perspective, PM Hun Sen is crafting his country‘s foreign policy toward Thailand, using the historical context in which the Thais were heavily involved with the Khmer rouge in order to rationalise his inimical attitude toward the incumbent Abhisit government.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun, PhD.
Fellow, Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS),
Lead Researcher for Political and Strategic Affairs
ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC),
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
The redemption
Supalak Ganjanakhundee points out that it is the first time in modern history that a Cambodian leader openly plays internal Thai politics. Normally, it has been the Thai side that influenced Cambodian domestic politics. In the past, Thailand supported the Cambodian opposition to destabilise the regime in Phnom Penh. PM Hun Sen himself had gained first hand experience as Thailand backed the Khmer Rouge and the coalition against him in the 1980s. Many of his political enemies sought refuge in Thailand. Supalak said, PM Hun Sen probably thinks now is the time to pay back.Charnvit added that during the Cambodian conflict, Thailand supported the Khmer Rouge. But now,PM Hun Sen is doing the same thing by supporting the Thai Rouge (the red-shirts).From this perspective, PM Hun Sen is crafting his country‘s foreign policy toward Thailand, using the historical context in which the Thais were heavily involved with the Khmer rouge in order to rationalise his inimical attitude toward the incumbent Abhisit government.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun, PhD.
Fellow, Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS),
Lead Researcher for Political and Strategic Affairs
ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC),
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
1 comment:
Dear Editor
I come across articles on your website:
http://khmerization.blogspot.com/2011/05/complicated-relations-between-cambodia.html
http://khmerization.blogspot.com/2011/05/field-marshal-plaek-phibun-songkhram.html
Apparently, these articles were posted by "anonymous".
However, it is obvious that your lifted the whole part of my article: Glorifying the Inglorious Past: Historical Overhangs in Thai-Cambodian Relations.
I would appreciate it if you could give me some credit for taking part of my article to be published on your website.
Pavin
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