Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen (right) talks to fugitive former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in Siem Reap province, some 314 kilometers northwest of Phnom Penh, on November 14. Thousands of demonstrators on Sunday attended a protest by Thailand's royalist "Yellow Shirt" movement against a visit to Cambodia by their arch-foe Thaksin.
(AFP/Tang Chhin Sothy)Posted: Monday , Nov 16, 2009
Since last year, Cambodian and Thai troops have intermittently clashed over a disputed border temple. But now Cambodia has found a more elegant way to annoy its rival: appointing as economic adviser to the prime minister, Hun Sen, Thaksin Shinawatra, the former Thai premier who was ousted by a coup in 2006 and convicted in absentia of abusing his power. Thailand’s government wants Mr Thaksin in jail. Cambodia has refused to extradite him, arguing that his crime is political. Infuriated, Thailand last week withdrew its ambassador. Cambodia did the same. Thailand has torn up a joint maritime oil-exploration treaty. On November 15th, anti-Thaksin “yellow shirts”, who have stirred up trouble on the disputed border, plan to rally in Bangkok to protest against Cambodia’s decision to coddle their nemesis.
Speaking at his opulent government guesthouse in Phnom Penh, a stone’s throw from the Thai embassy, where extradition papers lie waiting, Mr Thaksin affects not to know what all the fuss is about. He says that giving sound advice to Cambodia will benefit Thailand’s larger economy and the whole region. He describes Hun Sen as a pal of 20 years who “dares to say the truth to the world” about his ill treatment. Actually, the two men have not always seen eye-to-eye. But both see themselves in a similar light, as bluff sons of the soil, surrounded by royalist enemies.
Mr Thaksin’s critics have seized on his appointment and some remarks about the royal family in a British newspaper to label him a traitor, not for the first time. Even some of his allies have cold feet about his Cambodian job. Many Thais see Hun Sen as the kind of oafish strongman they do not want anymore in their own country.
Mr Thaksin says he will continue to live in Dubai, where he dabbles in international business. But having a base near home may help him needle his enemies in government and perhaps encourage his friends—men like Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, a former prime minister and ex-army chief, who has joined Mr Thaksin’s Puea Thai party and is now busy courting the neighbours, starting with Cambodia. Mr Chavalit says he wants to “create peace” and rekindle old friendships. His real agenda may be to talk up Mr Thaksin’s comeback and boost his own chances of leading a future government, if an election is held.
Thailand’s other neighbours are unlikely to rise to Mr Chavalit’s bait, though many are wondering who will emerge on top of Thailand’s fractious politics. The eventual passing of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who has been in hospital since September, is likely to trigger changes. For his part, Hun Sen seems to have thrown in his lot with Mr Thaksin, no doubt calculating that his new adviser will be back in power sooner and later. The payoff could be handy. And for now, advice will do fine.
Since last year, Cambodian and Thai troops have intermittently clashed over a disputed border temple. But now Cambodia has found a more elegant way to annoy its rival: appointing as economic adviser to the prime minister, Hun Sen, Thaksin Shinawatra, the former Thai premier who was ousted by a coup in 2006 and convicted in absentia of abusing his power. Thailand’s government wants Mr Thaksin in jail. Cambodia has refused to extradite him, arguing that his crime is political. Infuriated, Thailand last week withdrew its ambassador. Cambodia did the same. Thailand has torn up a joint maritime oil-exploration treaty. On November 15th, anti-Thaksin “yellow shirts”, who have stirred up trouble on the disputed border, plan to rally in Bangkok to protest against Cambodia’s decision to coddle their nemesis.
Speaking at his opulent government guesthouse in Phnom Penh, a stone’s throw from the Thai embassy, where extradition papers lie waiting, Mr Thaksin affects not to know what all the fuss is about. He says that giving sound advice to Cambodia will benefit Thailand’s larger economy and the whole region. He describes Hun Sen as a pal of 20 years who “dares to say the truth to the world” about his ill treatment. Actually, the two men have not always seen eye-to-eye. But both see themselves in a similar light, as bluff sons of the soil, surrounded by royalist enemies.
Mr Thaksin’s critics have seized on his appointment and some remarks about the royal family in a British newspaper to label him a traitor, not for the first time. Even some of his allies have cold feet about his Cambodian job. Many Thais see Hun Sen as the kind of oafish strongman they do not want anymore in their own country.
Mr Thaksin says he will continue to live in Dubai, where he dabbles in international business. But having a base near home may help him needle his enemies in government and perhaps encourage his friends—men like Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, a former prime minister and ex-army chief, who has joined Mr Thaksin’s Puea Thai party and is now busy courting the neighbours, starting with Cambodia. Mr Chavalit says he wants to “create peace” and rekindle old friendships. His real agenda may be to talk up Mr Thaksin’s comeback and boost his own chances of leading a future government, if an election is held.
Thailand’s other neighbours are unlikely to rise to Mr Chavalit’s bait, though many are wondering who will emerge on top of Thailand’s fractious politics. The eventual passing of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who has been in hospital since September, is likely to trigger changes. For his part, Hun Sen seems to have thrown in his lot with Mr Thaksin, no doubt calculating that his new adviser will be back in power sooner and later. The payoff could be handy. And for now, advice will do fine.
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