Human Rights Watch
Cambodia’s human rights situation took a nosedive in
2012 as Hun Sen lashed out at critics, opposition politicians, land
rights activists, and others. Despite his strong grip on power, Hun Sen
acted aggressively and erratically at the expense of the Cambodian
people, who are bearing the brunt of his increasingly dictatorial rule.
(London) – Cambodia’s
human rights situation deteriorated in 2012 with increased violence and
scripted trials against political and civil society activists, Human
Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2013.
The government failed to act against favored members of the ruling
Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) implicated in serious abuses.
In its 665-page report, Human Rights Watch assessed progress on human
rights during the past year in more than 90 countries, including an
analysis of the aftermath of the Arab Spring.
In 2012, Cambodia’s government repression and violence appeared
designed to ensure a large victory for the CPP in national elections
scheduled for July 2013, Human Rights Watch said. Prime Minister Hun
Sen, who has been in office for more than 27 years, has said he intends
to remain Cambodia’s leader for another 30. Political opposition leader
Sam Rainsy stayed in exile to avoid a long prison sentence handed down
in clumsily created political trials, further reducing the possibility
of a free and fair national election.
“Cambodia’s human rights situation took a nosedive in 2012 as Hun Sen
lashed out at critics, opposition politicians, land rights activists,
and others” said Brad Adams,
Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Despite his strong grip on power,
Hun Sen acted aggressively and erratically at the expense of the
Cambodian people, who are bearing the brunt of his increasingly
dictatorial rule.”
Activists defending human rights, opposing land grabs, and demanding
better working conditions were killed or wounded, arbitrarily arrested
or threatened with arrest, or kept in exile by CPP-led security forces
and the CPP-controlled judiciary.
Violence involving state security forces occurred to stop peaceful
opposition to years of land-grabs by powerful government-backed business
and security interests. On May 16, security force gunfire killed
14-year-old Heng Chantha during a government military operation against a
village in Kratie province protesting the allegedly illegal seizure of
their land by a foreign concessionaire. Her death was not investigated,
but alleged leaders of the protest were charged and sentenced for
secession (see below).
“The cumulative effect of land-grabbing has affected huge numbers of
Cambodians,” said Adams. “Enormous government grants of economic and
other land concessions in corrupt or crony deals, many of which included
foreign investors, still led many communities to protest or refuse to
leave land that was taken out from under their feet. The government has
used violence, criminal charges, and intimidation, but the protests
continued.”
Violence was also aimed against labor unrest among workers striking
for increased wages and improvements in working conditions, Human Rights
Watch said. On February 20, three factory workers were wounded by
gunfire during a large protest in Bavet municipality of Svay Rieng
province. Despite strong evidence that the CPP mayor, Chhouk Bandit,
caused the injuries by intentionally firing directly into the crowd, the
Svay Rieng court dismissed the case against him on December 14, instead
indicting someone against whom no evidence of responsibility for the
crime was known.
On April 26, well-known environmental activist Chhut Wutthy was shot
dead after military police and company security guards stopped him from
documenting illegal logging activities in Koh Kong province. Government
and judicial investigations into his killing appeared designed to shield
those most responsible, and further conceal their unlawful economic
activities. In early November, the Koh Kong court convicted an apparent
scapegoat, who was then immediately released.
The government used its control over Cambodia’s courts to persecute
government critics, Human Rights Watch said. After the May siege of a
village in Kratie province, Hun Sen accused protesters of organizing a
“secessionist movement.” He used the incident as a pretext to falsely
accuse the owner of a popular independent radio station, Mom Sonando,
71, an outspoken advocate of united democratic opposition to the CPP, of
being the movement’s ringleader. Sonando returned from a trip to France
to face the charges, and despite the lack of any evidence on October 1,
the Phnom Penh court sentenced him to 20 years in prison. Sonando was
denied bail pending appeal.
On May 24, the Phnom Penh court sentenced 13 women land activists to
two-and-a-half years in prison for involvement in a campaign protesting
evictions and demanding proper resettlement for people displaced by a
development project in Phnom Penh part-owned by a Hun Sen crony and a
Chinese investor. Amid a domestic and international outcry, the court of
appeal released the 13 on June 27, but upheld their convictions. In
late December, the Phnom Penh court sentenced two more leaders of
protests against urban evictions, Yorm Bopha and Tim Sakmony, to prison
terms.
In an astonishing decision, on December 27 the appeals court re-sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, two men wrongly convicted of the 2004 murder of labor leader Chea Vichea. The two had been released in 2009 after a long campaign demonstrating that neither had any role in the killing. The decision appeared aimed at ensuring there would be no investigation to find those really responsible for the assassination. Chea Vichea led a union associated with opposition leader Sam Rainsy that competed with government-backed unions for members and led many strikes and labor actions.
In an astonishing decision, on December 27 the appeals court re-sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, two men wrongly convicted of the 2004 murder of labor leader Chea Vichea. The two had been released in 2009 after a long campaign demonstrating that neither had any role in the killing. The decision appeared aimed at ensuring there would be no investigation to find those really responsible for the assassination. Chea Vichea led a union associated with opposition leader Sam Rainsy that competed with government-backed unions for members and led many strikes and labor actions.
Hun Sen-appointed Cambodian judicial officers working at the United
Nations-assisted Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia
(ECCC), mandated to prosecute senior and other leaders of Pol Pot’s
Khmer Rouge responsible for genocide and other international crimes
committed in the 1970s, continued to implement Hun Sen’s pronouncements
by refusing to investigate Khmer Rouge suspects beyond those the prime
minister listed for prosecution. One of these, Kaing Guek Eav alias
Duch, was sentenced to life imprisonment on February 3. Three aging
Khmer Rouge senior leaders, Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, and Ieng Sary,
remained on trial during the year. However, Hun Sen publicly stated that
other ex-Khmer Rouge leaders who had been named as suspects by UN
prosecutors would not face trial by the ECCC.
“Political trials by the Cambodian courts inevitably call into
question the quality of justice in the Khmer Rouge trials, since some of
the judges and prosecutors work in both courts,” said Adams. “If these
judges and prosecutors take orders in political cases in ordinary
courts, there is no reason to think they don’t do the same thing at the
Khmer Rouge tribunal.”
ASEAN leadership failures
Cambodia led a disastrous year as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Human Rights Watch said. Taking sides with China, Hun Sen made it impossible for a consensus statement to be issued at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in July, the first time in ASEAN’s history that a statement was not issued. Cambodia’s government played a leading role in blocking efforts by regional civil society organizations to adopt a credible and effective human rights mechanism. However, much-publicized criticism of Cambodia’s human rights record embarrassed the government during East Asia and ASEAN summits in Phnom Penh in November.
ASEAN leadership failures
Cambodia led a disastrous year as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Human Rights Watch said. Taking sides with China, Hun Sen made it impossible for a consensus statement to be issued at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in July, the first time in ASEAN’s history that a statement was not issued. Cambodia’s government played a leading role in blocking efforts by regional civil society organizations to adopt a credible and effective human rights mechanism. However, much-publicized criticism of Cambodia’s human rights record embarrassed the government during East Asia and ASEAN summits in Phnom Penh in November.
Cambodia’s poor human rights record, brought into starker relief by
changes in Burma, was the main topic of bilateral discussions between US
President Barak Obama and Hun Sen during the summits, though Obama
passed up the opportunity to speak directly to the Cambodian people, and
other governments said little or nothing about the situation.
Human Rights Watch said that with elections scheduled for July 2013,
Cambodia’s donors, who still contribute almost half of the national
budget, should adopt clear conditions for the elections to be considered
free and fair.
“What will it take for the US, Japan, the European Union, the UN,
ASEAN, and others to censure a country with a terrible rights record, a
brutal leader determined to stay in power, widespread corruption, and no
prospect of a free and fair election?” Adams said. “Occasional
criticism mixed large trade delegations and business-as-usual dealings
with the Cambodian authorities will not bring changes. Serious and
sustained pressure is needed to keep conditions in Cambodia from
deteriorating further.”
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