Contributors:
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth
November 1, 2012
The Asian Human Rights Commission
On October 15, an e-mail from a ranking member of Cambodia's royal
family, a good friend from 1970, landed in my box: "Dear Gaffar, I am
very sad to inform you that former King Norodom Sihanouk had just passed
away on early Monday morning, 15 October 2012 at 1:30am in Beijing. He
was 89 years old and would have been 90 on 31 October. With sincerest
regards, Your friend."
"Dear M'chas," I responded immediately, "Please accept my condolences
to the royal family for the passing away of the King Father. May He
rest in eternal peace. Warm regards, Gaffar." "Thank you very much for
your kind thoughts," the prince quickly acknowledged. So, I spent my
evening in the US and he spent his daylight in Phnom Penh conversing via
e-mail about the future.
I then watched the daily postings on the Internet of condolences from
Cambodian expatriates, skimmed posted articles by Western journalists
and scholars, as I mused about the predictability of the comments by
those familiar to me -- some defensive of the deceased king's actions,
others critical of them.
The numerous YouTube videos and photos of Cambodians grieving the
King as his body was returned to Phnom Penh in a special plane from
Beijing on October 17 -- and after -- leave no doubt of the Khmer
people's (the elderly, in particular) love and reverence for their King
Father.
For three months, the King's body will lie in state at the Royal
Palace for the public to pay their last respects; cremation is scheduled
for the first week of February 2013. A statue of the King Father --
father of Cambodia's independence from France -- will be erected in a
public park east of Cambodia's Independence Monument.
Politics
Politics divides as well as unites. What one does with politics is influenced by one's political values and beliefs.
My strong attachment to the principles of republicanism, reinforced
by my US training in political science, plus my political support for
the Khmer Republic, alienated me from some in the royalist faction, and
won me some severe critics, especially among those who never knew me.
Ironically, my association with some members of the royal family was
solidified in the 1970s when the Khmer republican spirit took root after
former chief of state Sihanouk was deposed.
In 1981, some Cambodians from the royalist faction and
(republican-leaning) Cambodians of my political spectrum found
themselves working together as "cooperationists," as some foreign
circles dubbed them. The political alliance was developed both at the
Khmer-Thai border, where I became a member of the nationalist Khmer
People's National Liberation Front in 1980, and at the United Nations.
We non-communist Cambodians of different backgrounds closed ranks to
lobby for international support for the struggle against Vietnam's
military occupation of Cambodia.
We had clear goals: We disliked the Khmer Rouge, wanted the
Vietnamese out of Cambodia, and found more common ground in our views of
the future than we ever could with the murderous "Pol Potists" or those
installed by Vietnam.
Some of us were chastised by members of our respective parties for daring to cooperate.
I gave my all in the Khmer national struggle. Prince Sihanouk took
presidency in 1982 of a coalition of Cambodians to fight Vietnam's
military occupiers, who seized Cambodia's capital of Phnom Penh on
January 7, 1979. The Vietnamese installed a puppet regime, and in 1985
made a Khmer Rouge commander and defector Hun Sen the country's prime
minster.
We, non-communists, believed by working together our two noncommunist
factions would be able to keep a Khmer Rouge dominance in check, and
working together in common purpose rather than separately, we would be
better able to pressure Vietnam to withdraw troops and negotiate.
It was during the fight against Vietnam's occupation that I had
opportunities to participate in working sessions with President Sihanouk
(and through social functions met Princess Monique).
Personally, I found Samdech and Neak Moneang to be generous, kind,
with undeniably great amiable personalities. I must admit to having been
poked at by Samdech, who smiled, as he mentioned "putschists"
overthrowing him; and to having received an occasional disapproving look
from Samdech whenever I tangled with Khmer Rouge Khieu Samphan and his
party in a military tripartite meeting. I knew Samdech the President
wanted no conflict that may hurt the national struggle against the
Vietnamese.
Cambodia's King Father Sihanouk is dead. In writing this article, I
am reminded of the words of Martin Luther King, Jr.: "There is some good
in the worst of us and some evil in the best of us. When we discover
this, we are less prone to hate our enemies."
Here are two stories of Samdech Sihanouk, one not (yet?) written
because it has not been known. Another is known and is subject to
interpretation.
Sihanouk and legacy of nationalists' unity
A certain political action, if undertaken, may change the face and the destiny of Cambodia.
A certain political action, if undertaken, may change the face and the destiny of Cambodia.
Before the proclamation of the tripartite Coalition Government of
Democratic Kampuchea in 1982, Samdech Sihanouk held a meeting in his
hotel suite with KPNLF President Son Sann.
Samdech told Son Sann of Samdech's pleasure to see KPNLF letterhead carrying the Khmer National Flag -- the same national flag of the Khmer Monarchy – and the inscription of the Khmer People's National Liberation Front, which Samdech read in Khmer, Ronakse Rumdorss Pol Roath Khmer.
Samdech told Son Sann of Samdech's pleasure to see KPNLF letterhead carrying the Khmer National Flag -- the same national flag of the Khmer Monarchy – and the inscription of the Khmer People's National Liberation Front, which Samdech read in Khmer, Ronakse Rumdorss Pol Roath Khmer.
Samdech said he would like to adopt the same name for his royalist
faction, but since both nationalist movements shared similar goals and
values, their combatants wore the same army uniforms, and many of their
officers were close friends, Samdech saw no problem if the two
nationalist movements, the KPNLF and his own FUNCINPEC or Front Uni National pour un Cambodge Indépendant Neutre Pacifique Et Coopératif
or National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and
Cooperative Cambodia, would be "fused" into one movement, under the name
Ronakse Rumdorss Pol Roath Khmer, and under Son Sann's leadership.
As Samdech Sihanouk spoke, I felt my adrenalin rush as I envisioned a
new historical political development unfolding. My royalist friends who
stood next to me patted my back several times. I was speechless. And
then I was breathless. I heard no response from the KPNLF President.
And it was, again, Samdech Sihanouk in Beijing who, barely two years
later, signed a document approving the creation of a Joint Military
Command of the Khmer People's National Liberation Armed Forces and the
royalist Armee Nationale Sihanoukienne. Whoa! A bipartite JMC while the tripartite CGDK was in existence as the public face of the opposition movement?
The Sihanouk-signed document named KPNLAF General Sak Suthsakhan as
JMC Commander-in-Chief, ANS General Teap Ben as JMC Deputy
Commander-in-Chief; ANS General Tuan Chay as JMC Chief of Staff, and
myself, from the KPNLAF, as JMC Deputy Chief of Staff. The JMC
headquarters, located away from both armies' headquarters, was staffed
with KPNLAF and ANS personnel who lived, shared meals, and worked
together under the same roof.
Unfortunately, the Khmer culture of factionalism, discord,
exclusiveness, vindictiveness, practiced in both armies, had a
polarizing effect, making "unity" among Cambodians near impossible.
Ironically, Cambodia is a nation in which some 96 percent of the
population are registered as Buddhists, whose Lord preached love, peace,
tolerance and compassion.
Reconciliation?
Moving to the present day, in an October 18 broadcast, the Voice of
America reported self-exiled opposition leader Sam Rainsy's October 17
letter to dictator Hun Sen "seeking permission" to return to Cambodia in
the "spirit of reconciliation and national unity" to mourn the passing
of the King Father, "and see his face for the last time."
The VOA quoted political analyst Chea Vannath: "The King Father would
have been pleased to see his children have unity, for his children to
have mutual compassion, for his children to mutually forgive each other.
All of these are in the national interest…"
"He can come as he wants," the VOA reported government Information
Minister Khieu Kanharith as saying, "But we cannot give any orders to
the court." Rainsy faces 10 years imprisonment for incitement,
disinformation, defamation and destruction of property, plus an
additional two-year jail term for accusing Hun Sen's foreign minister
Hor Namhong of having been a member of the Khmer Rouge in the late
1970s. Rainsy rejects all the charges as politically motivated and
without foundation.
On October 25, the Cambodia Daily reported Rainsy's request was
returned to him for a third time on the 24th, and quoted Son Soubert,
advisor to the late King Father's son, current King Sihamoni,
"Obviously, it shows that they (the regime) are unwilling to comply with
the request," indicating the king would be happy to let Rainsy return
but Hun Sen must approve.
According to Radio Free Asia, Hun Sen's Council of Ministers
spokesman Phay Siphan declared, "I simply consider (Rainsy's requests)
to be advertisements in the newspaper." Yet, the King Father's private
secretary Prince Thomico argued, "Hun Sen has promised to protect the
monarchy . . . (and) if we regard (the King Father) as the father of
national reconciliation, we should release all political prisoners." The
problem is Hun Sen never sees himself as a part of Prince Thomico's
"we." The lesson is Hun Sen interferes with the judiciary when it suits
his purposes and keeps his hands off when it doesn't, and the world
community continues to fund his government yearly to stay in power.
Reconciliation, or restoring friendship or ending variance through
establishing harmony, is not a language to which dictators respond.
Unity, or aggregating two or more parts into one, is not possible with
Hun Sen's dictatorial regime that demands exclusive powers.
On the 29th, the Cambodia Daily reported Kanharith's message that Hun
Sen could not allow Rainsy's return to pay respects to the late King
Father without Rainsy being arrested.
A revealing article
Forty-three-year-old Princess Norodom Soma completed her Master's
degree program in mass communication at California State University in
Fresno. She is the daughter of retired Class One air force officer
Prince Norodom Vatvani, a jet pilot. A Cambodian-American, Ms. Soma
worked at CNN headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, before she joined the
Phnom Penh Post as a columnist.
Last week, Soma's "We should be united," examines the future
Cambodia's monarchy now that the King Father has passed away: What will
happen next? She is direct: The Khmer royal family has neither political
power nor financial wealth; Cambodia's reigning monarch, 59-year-old
Sihamoni, the King Father's son, is only a figurehead, it's the Hun Sen
government that rules the country; the nine-member Throne Council,
comprising Hun Sen and top officials from the National Assembly and the
Senate, all from the ruling Cambodian People's Party, decides who should
be the next king. "The future of the monarchy is in their hands," Soma
affirms.
Soma's article is revealing in her description of the late King
Father's memorial ceremony on October 17 when his body arrived from
Beijing and lay inside the Throne Hall of the Royal Palace. The Throne
Hall was "overcrowded" with government officials, delegates and VIPs
from Asian countries giving Soma a feeling of being at "an ASEAN Summit
Meeting instead of a memorial service for a beloved family member."
Soma lamented, "Some members of the Royal Family could not get inside
the Throne Hall of the Royal Palace to pay their respects to their
beloved family member, the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk."
Princess Soma bluntly noted: "I witnessed the division among my own
Royal Family members on the first day of the memorial ceremony . . . We
were all there to mourn the loss of the King Father, but some of my
Royal Family members didn't even speak with one another."
Soma asks: "If we can't get along with our own family, what makes us think we can bring peace to the country?"
She answers: "With the current ruling party domination, and the
division among Royal Family members, the future of the monarchy looks
grim. Fear only grows in darkness. Once you face fear with light, you
win."
Princess Soma speaks of the royal family, but what she says applies as well to the situation of Cambodians in general.
My royal friend whose e-mail I mentioned at the beginning of this
article, told me people at his end are "very concerned and frightened
whether (the regime's) grip will fall harder on the opposition party and
how much more freedom will be curtailed," now that the King Father, the
only voice that could growl at Hun Sen and his dictatorship, is no
more.
I don't think Hun Sen will dispense with the monarchy at this time. I
believe he needs the monarchy ever much more than the monarchy needs
him.
Which brings me to the point I repeat often: The time for thinking
that harmony and reconciliation will develop on their own has passed, if
ever such a wish had foundation. The dictator has no intention of
cooperating with those democrats who desire a more open government
responsive to the rule of law. Democrats must increase nonviolent action
to undermine and then put an end to the regime that survives only
through oppression, the selling of national wealth, and the eviction of
people from their homes and their land.
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The AHRC is not responsible for the views shared in this article, which do not necessarily reflect its own.
About the Author:
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth is retired from the University of Guam,
where he taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives in
the United States. He can be contacted at peangmeth@gmail.com.
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